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The MoA Week In Review – (Not Ukraine) OT 2023-46
Last week's post on Moon of Alabama:
- Feb 19 – The Buildup To War In Ukraine – Saturday, February 19, 2022
- Feb 20 – The Buildup To War In Ukraine – Sunday, February 20, 2022
- Feb 21 – The Buildup To War In Ukraine – Monday, February 21, 2022
- Feb 22 – The Buildup To War In Ukraine – Tuesday, February 22, 2022
- Feb 23 – The Buildup To War In Ukraine – Wednesday, February 23, 2022
- Feb 24 – The Buildup To War In Ukraine – Closure
Related: – Mearsheimer talk Feb 23 2023 (vid, 1:55h) – Jacques Baud : “Le renseignement est un outil de propagande sur l’Ukraine” (vid, 1:22h) – Omerta
Bahman Kalbasi @BahmanKalbasi – 16:01 UTC · Feb 24, 2023
Awkward moment in UN Security Council just now. Ukraine FM asked members to stand for a moment of silence in memory of lives lost to Russian aggression.
Russian diplomats refused to stand saying they will only do so if it is in memory of all victims since 2014. Watch the rest. video
— Other issues:
Nigeria – Easy to see who the U.S. wants to win:
Assange:
Manipulation:
Germany:
Use as open (not Ukraine related) thread …
Sunday, TASS interviewed ” the Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for the Middle East and Africa, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Mikhail Bogdanov” who’s been very busy lately, including today with his meetings with Egypt’s Russian-based diplomats. Some of this activity’s related to the upcoming Russia/Africa Summit, and some is related to possible BRICS/SCO membership for African nations. Here’s the transcript:
Question: The United States and THE EU countries, primarily France, have recently been constantly announcing Russia’s alleged increased activity in Africa and threatening to do everything to weaken Russia’s influence on the continent. Are there any fears that the West will soon stage armed clashes, for example, in the CAR, Mali or other countries, with the aim of overthrowing the current governments there, will this hit Russian interests?
A: Given the behavior of Washington and the so-called “collective West” towards sovereign states, the danger of Western states inciting various armed groups to overthrow the current authorities is very high. Paris, for example, has long been doing everything possible to eliminate the transitional government of Mali, which it does not like. On May 16, 2022, the Malian government issued a statement about the attempted coup d’état on the night of May 11-12 by a mid-level military group “with the support of one of the Western states” (read France). Various dirty methods and means are used for anti-Russian propaganda, ranging from unfounded accusations of the Armed Forces of Mali and Russian instructors of violating international humanitarian law and human rights, to violations of The airspace of Mali in order to collect information by spy drones for further transfer of intelligence to armed gangs in order to destabilize the situation in the country.
As for the Central African Republic (CAR), Paris, losing its political influence there, is curtailing its presence and suspending programs to provide it with financial and economic assistance. The French block the import of various types of fuel into the CAR, which negatively affects the socio-economic situation of this country.
There are numerous reports that illegal armed groups operating in the CAR rely, among other things, on organizational and financial support from former colonial masters, and recently, in the area of the border with Sudan, Europeans were first seen among the militants, who, according to the CAR, may be Western instructors or mercenaries. We believe that such actions against sovereign States are unacceptable.
Question: Earlier, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov announced that an agreement in principle had been reached to connect Iran to the Russia-Turkey-Syria trilateral format, designed to normalise relations between Ankara and Damascus. What meetings and at what level are being worked out now within the framework of the relevant format? In what terms can they pass? How does Moscow assess the prospects of this format?
A: Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, during a recent joint news conference in Moscow with his Egyptian counterpart Sergey Shoukry, expressed our support for Iran’s participation in promoting the normalisation of interstate relations between Syria and Turkey. This would make it possible to take advantage of the potential accumulated within the framework of the Astana process, which has proved its effectiveness. The agenda now includes the organization of a meeting of foreign ministers in a quadripartite format. Its modalities and timing are being worked out.
We believe that if our common efforts are successful, it will be possible not only to avoid a large-scale Turkish military operation in northern Syria, but also to create additional opportunities to ensure a comprehensive settlement in that country, including correcting the humanitarian and economic situation.
Question: Does Russia have any information that the United States is trying to put pressure on African states to participate in the Russia-Africa summit? How many countries have already confirmed their participation, and at what level?
A: Indeed, the United States and its allies are waging an unprecedented campaign to isolate Russia politically and economically, including disrupting the second Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg in July. Since the beginning of the Special Military Operation, the “collective West” has significantly increased pressure on African countries – through threats of sanctions, cessation of financial and humanitarian assistance. Americans on a daily basis fabricate accusations against us “of the coming famine”, the increase in prices for fuel, grain and fertilizers and, as a result, the aggravation of socio-economic problems on the continent.
However, in the traditions of Russian diplomacy, which has a long history, it is necessary to take into account all possible external factors, promote its own agenda, and put the state interests of Russia and its friends at the forefront. And we do not intend to deviate from this course.
Our country resolutely defends the principle of free choice of the path of development of sovereign countries, which is the key idea of the upcoming second Russia-Africa summit. Currently, preparations for the event are in full swing, and its agenda is being worked out together with Africans. We receive confirmation of participation in the upcoming summit from the leaders of the states of the continent, and this is a signal to us of the principled support from a significant bloc of countries, despite the enormous pressure of the West.
Question: Sergey Lavrov said that Russia is now accumulating the proposals and initiatives of its African partners that came to the Russia-Africa summit. How active have they been in putting forward these initiatives? Are there any among them that will help bring Russia’s partnership with the African continent to a new level following the summit?
A: One of the main tasks of Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s visits to a number of African countries in January-February this year was to receive first-hand proposals from our friends for the summit. All of them, of course, are carefully taken into account and analyzed. In addition, there is a constant dialogue with the African diplomatic corps in Moscow. The fundamental difference between our approach and westerners is that it is unacceptable for us to achieve any goals to the detriment of the legitimate interests of the partner. The upcoming summit in St. Petersburg is a common “brainchild” of Russia and Africa, and therefore work on the content of the upcoming summit is being carried out jointly.
In general, the numerous proposals of African States correspond to our conceptual vision of the future forum. Priority is given to the transfer of technology and expertise, the development of industry and critical infrastructure on the continent. In particular, Russia’s participation in industrialization, digitalization, energy, agriculture, and mining projects in Africa is being discussed. The most important issue on the agenda of the summit will be the problem of ensuring food and energy security. These topics are designed to give a powerful impetus to Russian-African mutually beneficial and equal cooperation.
I would like to single out one of the main areas of our partnership – the training of national personnel. A number of African countries are in favor of increasing scholarships for their citizens to study at Russian universities in priority specialties, implementing joint initiatives in the fields of education and science. In this regard, I would like to note the appeal of the Ambassador of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Russia Ivan Vangu Ngimbi, who, on behalf of his government and with the support of the entire African diplomatic corps, called for the speedy return of the RUDN University named after Patrice Lumumba, which would become a symbol of close educational and scientific ties between our countries. I believe that a positive solution to this issue will serve as an important signal for our partners that Russia is returning to Africa, and Africa is returning to Russia.
Question: Does Moscow intend to increase arms supplies to African countries this year, and have new agreements been concluded? Has the volume of supplies decreased against the background of the special operation carried out by Russia?
A: I can only confirm that work is certainly underway with African countries in the military-technical sphere. Russia is ready to cooperate with all our African friends who are interested in strengthening their national armed forces and law enforcement forces and increasing their combat capability, including in order to effectively combat the terrorist threat that has worsened over the past decade as a result of the well-known destructive events of the Arab Spring in North Africa.
Question: After Sergey Lavrov’s African tours, representatives of a number of Western countries, as well as China and Turkey, came to the continent. Why has the attention of Africans become so dear to the world? Can we say that this is such a struggle for Africa? Do we win in it? Who is China for Russia in Africa: a partner, a competitor?
A: Unfortunately, this is not about attention, but about desperate attempts by the “collective West” to preserve its neocolonial empire, which for many years allowed to ignore the sovereignty of African, and not only, countries and continue to plunder their populations. Today, especially after the roads of Russia and the West diverged through no fault of our own, Western countries are faced with an urgent need to replenish the lost volumes of vital resources to maintain their industry and develop the economy and, preferably, at minimal cost. Their goal now is to solve, one might say, existential issues. This can be seen in the tools they use, mostly “unsportsmanlike”: “laws” on restricting Russia’s activities in Africa, sanctions, stop lists, threats, blackmail.
The policy of Russia, as well as china, Africa’s time-tested partners, is pragmatic and naturally based on a balance of national interests. We build equal relations and respect the sovereignty of foreign states and their inalienable right to determine their own domestic and foreign policy. At the same time, healthy, fair competition never gets in the way. This is the main difference between Russia’s fundamental approaches and the former Western metropolises.
Economically, we have a lot to offer our African friends. In addition to the traditional spheres of interaction since the days of the USSR, which are geological exploration, oil, gas and chemical industries, mining, agriculture, fishing, recently there has been a movement towards high technologies. Domestic assembly enterprises are being opened in some African countries, and cooperation is developing positively in the space sphere, ICT and the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes.
Who in his approaches stands on the right side of history, will show not so distant time.
Question: Earlier, Russian Special Presidential Envoy for Syria Alexander Lavrentyev said that the summit of Russia, Iran and Turkey in the Astana format could be held in mid-2023 in Sochi. Is a meeting at the level of foreign ministers being worked out on the eve of this event? Under the current conditions, how is our economic cooperation with Damascus developing in syria? Which Russian companies are involved in syria’s early reconstruction projects? Does Russian business remain interested in such work, given the difficult situation against the backdrop of sanctions against Moscow?
A: The meeting of heads of state is always preceded by serious preparation and thorough work. As a rule, consultations of the heads of foreign ministries are held. I think that the next summit of the Astana Troika will not be an exception.
Russian-Syrian economic cooperation during the years of crisis in the SAR did not stop for a day. These issues are under the jurisdiction of the Permanent Russian-Syrian Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation. Its Russian part is currently headed by the Minister of Construction and Housing and Communal Services of the Russian Federation I.E. Faizullin, the Syrian part – by the Minister for Presidential Affairs of the SAR M.Azzam. The next meeting of the IPC is being prepared.
In the context of the total restrictions imposed against Damascus by the “collective West”, our cooperation with Syria has been and remains the most important factor in the viability of the Syrian economy. As part of efforts to develop bilateral cooperation, Russian companies are implementing projects in the industrial, energy and oil and gas industries, in the field of mining, reconstruction and modernization of transport, logistics and communal infrastructure.
After the introduction by the “collective West” of tough sanctions against the Russian Federation in the context of their anti-Russian activity, the interest of Russian business in working with Syrian partners not only remains, but also increases. If earlier one of our businessmen could experience hesitation for fear of falling under Western restrictions, in particular, the action of the notorious American “Caesar Act”, which provides for punishment for all who will cooperate with the Government of the SAR, now that the whole of Russia has been “punished”, these fears are irrelevant.
As for the “early recovery” you mentioned, that’s not our term. It is used, first of all, by the UN as a palliative, allowing them to justify at least some actions to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe in Syria in conditions when Western donors categorically refuse to allocate funds for the full-fledged post-conflict reconstruction of this country and prohibit their companies from participating in it.
Question: What are the prospects for a Palestinian-Israeli settlement in conditions when the Middle East Quartet of international mediators has not been working for a long time?
A: Regardless of whether the Quartet is working or not, Russian diplomacy continues to vigorously contribute to the preparation of conditions for the resumption of the Process of Palestinian-Israeli Political Settlement. The activities of the Quartet have not been frozen on our initiative. Under various far-fetched pretexts, it is blocked by the United States and the European Union, which seek to divert the focus of the world community’s attention from the Middle East and other regional crises. We believe that such an approach is unacceptable, as it only exacerbates problems. Recent events in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, have once again clearly demonstrated this.
Despite the tense international situation, Russia retains its main asset – friendly and constructive relations with Palestine and Israel, as well as with all the states of the region, with which we maintain a regular dialogue on a wide range of issues, including the Palestinian-Israeli settlement. The countries of the Middle East and North Africa trust our foreign policy course and firmly know that Russia consistently adheres to its principled approaches to regional issues based on a universally recognized legal platform, primarily on the relevant UN Security Council resolutions.
As for the “quartet” consisting of Russia, the United States, the EU and the UN, we have repeatedly voiced our position on this matter. Even in the current geopolitical conditions, we call for the resumption of the work of this unique mechanism of diplomatic support for the Middle East settlement. We are convinced that obstructing the activities of the Quartet has a direct negative impact on the situation on the ground and plays into the hands of the forces interested in fomenting a new full-scale Palestinian-Israeli confrontation by force. Nor are the US attempts to undermine collective interaction and monopolize the role of the “mediator” to the detriment. The Americans’ track record in this regard is widely known: U.S. one-man mediation between Palestinians and Israelis has invariably led to another bloody surge in violence.
Question: As Oil Minister of the Libyan Government of National Unity Mike Oun said earlier, Tripoli invites Russian oil companies to return to negotiations with the National Oil Corporation of Libya. Were consultations under way in that regard? Is there any interest on the part of Russian business?
A: Libyan officials have repeatedly raised the issue of resuming the activities of Russian companies in Libya during their contacts with us. Russian-Libyan cooperation has a rich, decades-old experience. Before the events of 2011, many Russian economic operators worked in this country. Among the largest projects, I will name the contracts of Gazprom Neft PJSC and TATNEFT PJSC for the development of hydrocarbon fields.
Unfortunately, after the aggression of the NATO bloc in Libya, almost all foreign companies, including Russian ones, were forced to curtail their activities, and their personnel – to leave the country. Nevertheless, Russian organizations remain interested in returning to the Libyan market. In turn, we intend to encourage such an attitude of our economic operators as the military-political situation in the country improves and the appropriate conditions are created there to ensure the safety of Russian specialists.
We will also be ready to join the post-conflict reconstruction and development of Libya’s basic economic infrastructure through the implementation of major joint projects, and not only in the energy sector.
We plan to resume the work of the Russian Embassy in Tripoli in the near future. Moreover, the plans include the opening of our Consulate General in Benghazi. We hope that the restoration of our diplomatic presence in Libya will contribute to the promotion of Russian economic interests in that country.
Posted by: karlof1 | Feb 27 2023 17:57 utc | 122
Important interview of Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Alexander Pankin by TASS about Russia’s 2023 presidency of the EAEU:
Question: Could you tell us about the integration plans within the EAEU for the current year? What will Russia focus on as a presidential country in 2023?
A: Cooperation within the Eurasian Economic Union is developing quite dynamically. In the current geopolitical and economic situation, joint work on the EAEU platform to a certain extent made it possible to minimize the negative consequences of sanctions and restrictive measures by a number of Western countries against two member states – Russia and Belarus – and to increase the stability of the economies of the Union states. Important steps have been taken to support Eurasian business and citizens.
In his work within the framework of Russia’s presidency of the EAEU this year, key attention will be paid to the implementation of the priorities that were formulated and outlined by President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin in his Address to the Heads of the EAEU Member States. Among them: ensuring energy and food security, as well as technological independence of key sectors of the economy, accelerating digital transformation; creation of a common financial market; removing regulatory and trade barriers; development of transport infrastructure; climate agenda; increasing scientific and youth exchanges. The priority seems to be the launch of the process of preparing new long-term planning documents that will determine the main vectors of integration cooperation for the period up to 2030 and 2045.
The development of the international agenda of the EAEU will continue, including in the context of popularizing the Union not only on the internal, but also on the external contour. It is important to build mutually beneficial and equal cooperation between the five countries and foreign partners and international associations, expand contacts with the states of the Asia-Pacific region, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America. Our association should become one of the key centres for the formation of the Greater Eurasian Partnership.
Taking into account the proposals of Russian ministries and departments, a program of events of the Russian chairmanship has been formed. It includes about 70 meetings, conferences, round tables devoted to various aspects of the development of cooperation within the Union. For example, in connection with the meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council (May 24-25, Sochi) with the participation of the heads of the EAEU member states, the Eurasian Economic Forum will be held. “On the sidelines” of the Eurasian Intergovernmental Council and the Council of CIS Heads of Government on June 7-9, Sochi will host the III Eurasian Congress, the II Youth Forum of the CIS and the EAEU, as well as the international exhibition of cooperation projects “Eurasia is our home”.
Question: When are you planning to conclude agreements on free trade zones between the EAEU and Iran, the EAEU and Egypt? How is similar work with Israel and India going? When will FTA negotiations with Indonesia and the UAE be launched?
A: The topic of concluding trade agreements with third countries is in constant focus of attention of the Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC) and the EAEU member states. At the same time, it is not easy to name specific deadlines for the conclusion of an agreement, since the preparation of such documents is a long process that requires serious analysis.
The most intensive negotiation process is underway on a full-fledged free trade agreement with Iran: since November 2021, six rounds of consultations have been held. A promising task is to complete negotiations this year and sign the agreement.
The implementation of the Interim Agreement of the EAEU-Iran of May 17, 2018, which provides for the liberalization of trade on a limited range of goods, has already favorably affected the mutual trade of the parties. During its operation (entered into force on October 27, 2019), the trade turnover of the Union states with Iran doubled to $ 5 billion. United States.
The preparation of a similar document with Egypt is progressing steadily. In October 2022, the fifth round of consultations was held, which contributed to further rapprochement of the positions of the parties.
In the framework of cooperation with Indonesia and the UAE, I would like to emphasize the constructive attitude of all interested parties, thanks to which decisions to launch negotiations were made very quickly. The first round of consultations with partners from the UAE is scheduled for early March this year, from Indonesia – for the end of March – the beginning of April this year.
Recently, contacts between the EEC and India on this issue have intensified, but it is too early to talk about specific agreements.
The negotiation process with Israel after six rounds was practically “frozen” several years ago due to the lack of real benefits for the Union from the adoption of such an agreement, taking into account the position of Tel Aviv on the terms of its conclusion.
Question: Does Russia plan to leave the IMF and WTO, taking into account the Sanctions Policy of the West and the Fund’s financial assistance to Ukraine? Why are we currently maintaining membership in these organizations? What negative consequences could such a step have for the Russian economy?
A: The Russian Federation has been a member of the International Monetary Fund since 1992.
Starting in 2000, Russia stopped attracting the Fund’s credit resources, and in 2005 prematurely repaid its debt, moving from the role of a recipient of funds to a full-fledged partnership. Since the Russian Federation has fulfilled all its obligations to the Fund, it is not able to make demands on the economic policy of our country, and its recommendations are not binding on us.
Since 2005, Russia has participated in various financial operations of the Fund, including the financing of credit programs, development assistance programs, and debt cancellation of the poorest countries. The IMF provided our country with advisory support, including technical assistance, seminars, and advanced training of government officials. Russian relevant agencies periodically contact the Fund on the economic situation in the country and forecasts for the development of the world economy. All these issues have been and are being discussed at the Foundation with our participation and taking into account our interests.
From a foreign policy point of view, we proceed from the expediency of continuing full-scale participation in the activities of such a large and influential international financial organization as the IMF, which is an important element of the post-war economic world order, as well as a specialized agency of the UN. This is of both important image importance and a purely practical interest in terms of access to advanced international financial expertise and involvement in the process of coordinating global economic initiatives and projects. Thanks to its membership in the IMF, Russia has the opportunity to participate directly in the work of the International Monetary and Financial Committee, which is a key advisory body to global financial governance.
Participation in the work of the Fund allows us to use its platform to convey to the world community the Russian position on key economic issues of our time, including paying attention to the increasingly clear inconsistency of the current model of the global financial architecture and its excessive politicization.
Russia’s demonstrative initiative withdrawal from this structure would most likely be presented by our ill-wishers as a refusal to support countries in need and from the global development agenda as a whole. In addition, we should not forget that the Russian multi-country directorate of the IMF includes Syria, whose interests we actively defend.
It should also be borne in mind that membership in the IMF, regardless of our attitude to this structure and the existing disagreements, is still to a certain extent a “quality mark” recognized by the world community for the world’s leading economies.
As for the World Trade Organisation, the issue of withdrawal from this structure was indeed discussed in connection with the relevant initiatives of a number of deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. At the same time, to date, the position of the relevant agencies, including the Russian Foreign Ministry, has not changed – we still consider the WTO an important and uncontested platform for defending Russia’s trade and economic interests. Full membership in the Organization allows our country to participate in the development and improvement of the rules of global trade, promoting and protecting national priorities in this area. Active work at the WTO site contributes to the implementation of tasks related to strengthening the presence of domestic economic operators in traditional and new foreign markets, expanding the range and geography of Russian exports.
A possible withdrawal from the WTO would mean a de facto withdrawal from the processes of the international division of labor, would lead to a decrease in involvement in global production and marketing chains, and would negatively affect the level and quality of foreign economic relations. No state in the history of the GATT/WTO has renounced membership in the organization. Given the high level of Russia’s integration into the world economy, such a radical step could lead to artificial self-isolation of the national economy.
Question: How do you assess the economic consequences for Russia from the introduction of the oil price ceiling – now and in the future? Can our country in the future receive significant profits due to the growth of oil consumption, in particular, in the Asian region, where we have redirected our supplies?
A: In view of the decision of the EU countries to abandon the import of Russian oil and petroleum products, the Russian fuel and energy sector has reoriented towards closer cooperation and trade with friendly countries, in particular the Asian region, where the demand for energy resources is growing at a faster pace. Nevertheless, it will take some time to establish full-fledged ties and create additional infrastructure to serve the growing needs of the oil and gas industry in the Asian direction.
The Russian Foreign Ministry is counteracting the attempts of Westerners to draw friendly states into an economic confrontation with the Russian Federation. Washington and its allies regularly make attempts to expand the circle of countries that support restrictive measures introduced in circumvention of the UN Security Council, including the “ceiling on prices” for oil and oil products.
The application of discriminatory pricing in relation to Russian hydrocarbons will lead to the cessation of their supply, as provided for by the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of December 27, 2022. Western countries are trying to take advantage of their monopoly position in the market of financial and insurance services to prevent the sea transportation of Russian oil. At the moment, there are no significant economic consequences from the introduction of conditional restrictions.
In coordination with the Ministry of Energy of Russia, work is being carried out with the main importers of our oil. At this stage, energy cooperation and trade with friendly countries continues without political reservations on their part.
Question: Do the BRICS partners show interest in creating a single currency of the association? Can we expect practical results in this area by the end of this year?
A: It is no secret that the current international financial system today serves primarily the interests of the United States and its allies. At the same time, the dollar, which is its cornerstone, has been turned from a reserve currency by Washington itself into a weapon. There is no doubt that the unlawful deprivation of Russia of the opportunity to dispose of its dollar holdings sent an unequivocal signal to other countries: the US currency has become a high-risk financial instrument.
In this regard, more and more countries are thinking about increasing the role of alternative currencies to the US dollar in mutual settlements. This trend can no longer be reversed. Our BRICS partners are well aware of this. Brazilian President L. Lula da Silva recently announced the initiative to create single currencies within the framework of the association when used in mutual settlements. Prior to this, At the XIV Summit of the Five (June 23-24, 2022), President of Russia Vladimir Putin proposed to think about the possibility of establishing an international reserve currency based on a basket of currencies of the BRICS countries. And, I must say that the share of non-dollar transactions between the BRICS countries is steadily growing.
In this context, it is not surprising that there are ideas to create a single currency of unification, however, it must be admitted, there are certain difficulties in this matter. Thus, the transition of two or more countries to a single currency will require the creation of a new emission center and regulator (an analogue of the European Central Bank). However, agreeing on the order of its formation and the scope of powers, as well as the location, can be quite a difficult process. As you know, the transfer of rights to money emission to a supranational body limits the ability to pursue an independent macroeconomic and monetary policy.
It would be more pragmatic to consider the hypothetical BRICS currency not as a replacement for the national one, but as a new promising multilateral instrument based on a basket of currencies of the member countries of the association. One of the previously proposed models involves the functioning of the BRICS currency as a reserve currency by analogy with the special drawing rights issued by the IMF. But this option also requires in-depth study by the relevant Russian state bodies and their partners in the BRICS.
At the same time, it is important to understand that our association is not integrative, that is, it is not aimed at forming a single economic space with unified norms in the financial, economic, migration and other spheres. BRICS is a multifaceted strategic partnership, a sought-after platform for rapprochement of positions on a wide range of interstate dialogue. This is a very democratic format, no one imposes anything on anyone in it, there is no rigid bloc discipline inherent in archaic military-political alliances. The Five are united by a positive agenda aimed at creating favorable economic and political conditions for the internal development of our countries and improving the well-being of their peoples.
Question: Is it possible to create a free trade zone on the basis of BRICS, BRICS Plus? How does Russia assess this prospect? Are there such discussions within the framework of the merger?
A: The issue of creating a free trade area (FTA) on the basis of BRICS or in the expanded format “BRICS Plus” is not on the agenda at this stage. This is not an easy task. Let me remind you that Russia has a common trade space within the EAEU. South Africa participates in the African Continental Free Trade Area. Brazil is a member of MERCOSUR. This is if we go over the top, not taking into account the relevant bilateral agreements of the BRICS members with other associations, such as India’s agreement with the ASEAN countries. Regardless of the obvious difficulty of agreeing on all possible nuances of the creation of the Five FTA, taking into account the existing multilateral agreements, the launch of a discussion on this topic should be preceded by a comprehensive analysis of the economic feasibility and added value for all participants from the creation of such a mechanism.
Question: What are Russia’s expectations from working with APEC in 2023? What goals does Russia set for this year? In general, with which Asian countries is it now a priority for Russia to establish or deepen cooperation?
A: The Asia-Pacific region has traditionally been one of the key areas of Russia’s foreign policy. Today it is a major center of world trade and economy, a natural point of attraction in international relations.
Russia’s cooperation with the economies of the Asia-Pacific region is characterized by progressive dynamics and specific content, as evidenced by the stable growth of Russia’s foreign trade turnover with partners in the region. In recent years, even with the effects of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic, we have reached record levels with a number of countries. With China, for example, in 2022, the value of mutual supplies increased by 29%, exceeding the figure of $ 190 billion. United States.
Russia occupies a leading position in the APEC forum and is the author of many popular initiatives. We are setting ourselves up for further substantive practical work within the framework of APEC. First of all, we are talking about strengthening the multilateral trading system under the auspices of the WTO. Russia is also a dynamic supplier of hydrocarbons, food and fertilizers in the region. We intend to expand the range of our commercial turnover primarily through goods with “high added value”. We will promote Russian technologies, digital solutions, engineering products and agricultural products within the framework of APEC.
It is important to protect such cooperation from illegal restrictive measures by Western countries, primarily the United States and the EU. It is sad that they continue to unwind the spiral of geopolitical confrontation. Additional risks are provoked by the United States, the EU and the countries of the “seven”: one-sided forms of energy transition, inflation of the “printing press”, illegitimate barriers to trade in Russian food and fertilizers. This accelerates the growth of prices for the basic needs of the population and business – energy and food, “hits the wallet” of ordinary citizens. We will strive to overcome these challenges by creating, in coalition with other countries, alternative trade, transport and settlement mechanisms that do not depend on Western whims. We mean, in particular, China, the ASEAN countries and Latin America.
We will actively use the creative potential of President Vladimir Putin’s initiative to create a Greater Eurasian Partnership, which involves building a broad integration contour with the prospect of participation by the EAEU, the SCO and ASEAN.
We are aimed at making a practical contribution to the work of APEC. We plan to pay special attention to the formation of convincing agreements that would be able to give an additional impetus to the global economy and international development. This includes, among other things, the promotion of initiatives and projects in the field of trade policy, global supply chains, carbon pricing, digitalization, development of remote and rural areas, and women’s entrepreneurship.
We look forward to maintaining the non-politicised nature of the forum’s work on the priorities of the forum, which were agreed upon with russia’s active participation. Its rich agenda for this year – interconnectedness, innovation, ecology, sustainable development – fully coincides with Russian interests.
Posted by: karlof1 | Feb 28 2023 18:10 utc | 143
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