About the Israeli campaign to use gays’ right as a pretext against Iran, a point I completely agree with:

The lesson from Afghanistan (and Iraq, and Gaza, and wherever the bombs are falling) is that bombing a country does not improve human rights in that country. Bombs do not make progress. In fact, the weakest groups will be the ones to suffer most: the poor, children, women, gays, minorities. They will pay the heaviest price of war and militarization. Even if war does not take place, using gays in Iran as pawn in the war rhetoric will increase their vulnerability to violence and prejudice.
Israel knows this very well. But it doesn’t give a damn about Iranian gays. It’s on the war path.

Posted by: andrew | May 1 2009 10:13 utc | 3

anthony, thanks for the link. maybe jstreet is the little train that could.

“You’ve had these on-their-knees types coming out of the woodwork all the time,” asserted the former executive director of AIPAC.
“AIPAC’s going to have 6,000-7,000 people [present]. They have over 100,000 members. They’ve been around since 1957,” he continued.
“You’re comparing an ant to an elephant.”
One Washington Jewish organizational leader not affiliated with either camp agreed with Amitay that J Street was no match for AIPAC.
“AIPAC, in terms of money and influence, clearly overwhelms J Street,”
he said, “but it’s pretty interesting to see them [decide] to directly take on AIPAC on a legislative issue.”
He predicted that “there’s no question the majority of members of Congress are going to vote the way AIPAC wants them to,” if for no other reason than that sanctioning Iran is a popular cause among Americans generally.
“They [J Street] are not going to win, but they’re building their voice and building their credibility,” he said. “Next time, there’ll be more people listening to them.”

i’ve been receiving the daily updates from jstreet. they are quite the pressure cookers, very persistent and on the ball. they may be considered just an ant compared to aipac but an ant that packs a decent punch. besides, if they were only an ant jpost wouldn’t be writing about them, now would they?

Posted by: annie | May 1 2009 15:12 utc | 5

Charges against Israeli lobbyists in espionage case to be dropped
shocked

Posted by: annie | May 1 2009 15:34 utc | 7

annie @ 7,
I am shocked too. who knew they could get away with this too. oh well, the Palestinians are truly fvcked, there will be no relief and maybe things will get even worse now as Israel executes the final solution.

Posted by: dan of steele | May 1 2009 18:11 utc | 9

Every open thread b generates, there seems to be a bevy of posts related to Israel. I don’t want to imply that Israel’s behavior is not abhorrent and repugnant, but is not the U.S.’s behavior as equally abhorrent and repugnant? Do “liberals” engage in their own form of U.S. Exceptionalism when it comes to criticisms of Israel? What is the “liberal” solution to Israel? Another occupation of another human rights abusing nation? Admonishment from leader O and our worthless Congress? A cessation of all financial backing and a refusal to sell military equipment with them?
Aren’t such suggested actions preposterous considering the U.S.’s predilection for empire and hegemony? Let’s face it, Israel is what the U.S. wants to be. It’s a symbiotic relationship, with each partner living vicariously through the other. To speak of Israel as though it is distinct from the U.S. is misrepresenting the issue. They are separate, yet one. They feed and nourish each other. To expect the U.S. to somehow administer justice, and vindicate Israel’s current and future victims when the U.S. itself is the largest purveyor of injustice on the planet is naive and foolhardy.
So, considering the above, what is the answer? I’ll give you a hint. It will require a great deal of pain and sacrifice. The current system will not produce the required results, and that can mean only one thing.

Posted by: Obamageddon | May 1 2009 18:36 utc | 11

annie @ 7 – surprise surprise indeed. bummer.
I was just about to post the same story I just now came across in the NYT

…
The prosecution’s case against Steven J. Rosen and Keith Weissman suffered several setbacks in rulings from the trial judge. At the same time, the case was fraught with deep political dimensions, as it raised delicate issue of behind-the-scenes lobbying over Middle East policy and the role played by American Jewish supporters of Israel.
Mr. Rosen and Mr. Weissman, who were lobbyists with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a leading pro-Israel lobby, were charged with violating the World War I-era Espionage Act. The indictment said they violated the law by disseminating to journalists, fellow Aipac employees and Israeli diplomats information they had learned in conversations with senior Bush administration officials.
Judge T.S. Ellis 3d, who was to preside over the trial rejected several government efforts to conceal classified information if the case went to trial. Moreover, he ruled that the government could only prevail if it met a high standard; he said prosecutors would have to demonstrate that Mr. Rosen and Mr. Weissman knew that their distribution of the information would harm U.S. national security.

…
Steve, my old friend, the years have not been kind…
dan @ 12: Well said.

Posted by: Hamburger | May 1 2009 21:15 utc | 13

Under Reasonable Paranoia
(and why Old School pols/pundits often seem stunned into silence. Listen and see if you understand why he chose this story, from his fifty years of political service…)
Retiring AF Ambassador Mohammad Rahim Sherzoy to UK,
Speech to 24-Nation Banquet in London, 30 April 2009
Afghanistan in the past half century through my eyes [edited transcript]
Afghanistan is an ancient country with some five thousand years history, and is bordered by six countries. China, Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.
Unfortunately, the geopolitical and geophysical location of Afghanistan has attracted invaders. But, tonight, I do not want to speak in terms of politics about Afghanistan. I will focus on the forty years of my career—with breaks—at the ministry of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan and what I have seen and witnessed during these years that will expose stories you would not find in the history books.
Ladies and gentlemen, after finishing my studies at the faculty of Law of Kabul University, I went on to finish my PhD in Paris. I started working at the Archives of the MoFA and that is where I tried to learn in depth about the creation of a new country to the South of Afghanistan, called Pakistan.
I found out from the archive documents that; almost 18 months before the creation of Pakistan as a independent Muslim country, Afghanistan formally sent a note to the British embassy saying: As Britain wants to divide the Hindu and Muslim population of India for self governance, Afghanistan also wishes to be rejoined by its occupied territories that came under the British rule through the “Great Game” before and after the 1893 agreements. So the Pashtoon population that are divided by a [Durand] security line enjoy the freedom as one nation.
Afghanistan also sent one of it’s envoys who served as a foreign minister to London, bringing the matter to the attention to the British Prime Minister, Mr. Bunion. British high-level officials told the Afghan delegation that it was a bit early and that the dialogue on the subject will continue on in the near future.
Since the Afghan delegation did not receive a decisive answer, the government of Afghanistan continued its efforts by sending formal letters to London on monthly bases, but all the requests were postponed and meetings were cancelled. Just two months before the formal creation of Pakistan, the British sent a letter saying that Afghanistan can continue the negotiation on the subject with the future government of Pakistan. When we forwarded the matter to Pakistan, they categorically denied any talk on the subject and said that they would not take part in any meeting concerning their land.
In protest, Afghanistan used its membership card at the UN and voted against Pakistan as a sovereign country. After the death of Ali Jinnah, Sekandar Mirza was elected the President of Pakistan. According to the archives of the Afghan National Archives, [President] Sekandar Mirza travelled to Afghanistan a year after he was elected, and met with [Afghan] King Zahir Shah. At the end of the visit, Sekandar Mirza proposed that the two countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan should join and he could become the King of a united “AfghanPak or Afghanistan-Pakistan” and the [Pakistani] Punjabis will hold a majority in a new Parliament.
King Zahir Shah was surprised and asked whether he consulted with other Pakistani leaders and [President] Sekandar Mirza said, “yes”. To which Zahir Shah said, why would you want this?
Mirza said, currently Pakistan is weak and could not defend itself against India and there are more Muslims in India than in Pakistan. Afghanistan has a good history and a good record of freedom in the region.
Zahir Shah told Sekandar that he agreed with the principle, but he needed more knowledge about the subject. To that end, I would consult with other Afghan Ministers and elders and let you know.
I have confirmed this with King Zahir Shah in Rome when I was serving him as an Advisor. Zahir Shah said, ‘I was keen, because Pakistan inherited a rich British bureaucracy and there were plenty of skilled workers and this could help Afghanistan’s progress forward’.
According to Zahir Shah, Sekandar Mirza was sending him a telegraph message every two weeks for the following five months, but after that suddenly, the communication stopped. To that end, ‘Zahir Shah instructed the Afghan Ambassador to Kabul to contact Sekandar Mirza’. The Afghan Ambassador said that he was in touch with Mirza, and that the British would not allow him to conduct such talks with the Afghans.
Zahir Shah also rejected the notion of free political parties in Afghanistan because in his view strong parties with experience and support included those supported by Soviet Union and China, but the ones Afghanistan strongly needed were too weak. Therefore democracy did not prevail in Afghanistan and the [democratic and free political parties] law was not signed by the King.
I was deputy to the head of the political department and one day the ambassador of the Soviet Union called in person at our office without prior notice. According to Rawan Farhadi, the head of political department whom he wanted to see, the ambassador was very angry. Mr. Farhadi asked me to go and see the ambassador and joined me later, after a little while. The ambassador did not shake hands with Farhadi and wanted an explanation to why the Afghan government had not approved a $500 million Soviet loan and while debating it, they also made fun of the Soviet Union. The Soviet ambassador even demanded repayment of past debts in a period of one month, to show his anger.
After Mr. Farhadi explained that in a democratic society, government does debate such issues and it will be up to the [Loya] Jerga to decide whether they approve the loan or not, the ambassador left with mumbling words in his mouth.
[King] Zahir Shah managed to keep Afghanistan at peace with its neighbours and was a calm and skilled leader. Both West and East used to say that, ‘Zahir Shah was so skilled that he would ignite American cigarette with the Russian matches’. When Zahir came to power, he was only 18 years old and it was his uncle, Mohammad Hashim who was running the government affairs until his death.
Hashim had a brutal record, but he too was a very clever man. During WWII, the German government was helping Afghanistan with many projects and there were many German specialists in the country. By the end of 1943, Allied Forces asked Afghanistan to hand over the German nationals to the Allies. Afghanistan called for a Loya Jerga and consulted with its elders and scholars from across Afghanistan. The decision was to return the Germans back to the people of Germany and not to the Allies. Ever since Afghanistan enjoys a very special relationship with Germany.
Shah Mahmood replaced Mohammad Hashim as a Prime Minister. Shah Mahmood had a calm personality and wanted good relationships with both Europe and the US. He travelled to the United States in 1950 and met with then Vice President, Richard Nixon. He asked Nixon for twenty million dollars in loans, and expressed his desire to buy American-made arms for Afghanistan. America rejected the request. In another instance in 1953 Afghanistan requested loans and arms from America. The American Secretary of State, John Foster Dallas passed on the list of arms Afghanistan wanted to the Ambassador of Pakistan to the United States.
Afghanistan was discouraged and at this time a Soviet delegation led by Khrushchev and Bulganin travelled to India. Afghanistan asked India to convince the Soviets to land in Kabul. The plane carrying Khrushchev and Bulganin landed in Kabul and met the Afghan delegation for two hours and ten minutes. The entire meeting took place inside the plane, and Soviets agreed to assist Afghanistan on all fronts.
President Dawood [Dauod] Khan came to power in a bloodless coup, and from the start he demonstrated his deep patriotism and love for his country and people. He was a progressive man and wanted to excel in education and eradicate poverty. He introduced his Five Year Plan to improve the national infrastructure. He was very sensitive and highly patriotic.
I want to tell you a story which I have witnessed in Kabul. Charge de Affair of the German Embassy, Mr. Klein, in Kabul slapped one of his Afghan guards, who were from the Hazarah ethnic, because he could not steer his limousine into the garage on a snowy night. As a result the car hit the wall and suffered some damage. The story reached President Daud fifteen days later, and he immediately instructed the Head of Protocol to send Mr. Klein back to Germany within a 24 hour period.
The Head of Protocol cautioned President Daud as it might hurt relations between Afghanistan and Germany. President Daud warned him that if Mr. Klein did not leave Afghanistan in 24 hours, he would bear the responsibility.
My first meeting took place with Daud Khan soon after he installed himself as a President. Then I was serving as a diplomat in Delhi. I returned to Kabul to attend my late brother’s funeral. President Daud sent a message and asked me to see him the following morning at 9AM. After expressing his condolences he asked me whether we met before.
And I replied, ‘No I had not the pleasure, sir.’
To which he replied, ‘these are old protocols, you’re young, you should focus on new protocols.’ In other words, he wanted me to be less formal. He asked me whether people were happy with the Presidential system.
I told him, ‘Mr. President, The people of Afghanistan think that Zahir Shah left, and his cousin came to power. They are both from the same family, and it doesn’t matter what kind of a system is in place.’
I noticed that he was uncomfortable with my answer, but he said that he noticed the economy was in bad condition.
I said, ‘Sir, forgive me I am a simple man, I know little about the economic theories. I have only seen in the last four days in Kabul that under the new system, eight educated Afghans I knew became jobless. In my opinion the best asset of Afghanistan and any poor country are their educated elite.’
He was quite upset, and told me if I did not prevent these changes the people of Afghanistan would hold me responsible. We said goodbye and I went back to Delhi. There his son-in-law told me that the President did not have positive impression of me.
While in Delhi, Mr. Pajhwak came and assumed his duties as ambassador. He supported me tremendously and allowed me to be involved in important projects. Both in 1967 and 1968, he sent me to the UN General Assembly for 3 months periods. Also he convinced President Daud, and I was appointed as Afghan Ambassador to Pakistan. This was unbelievable both to me and my wife!
At the time of my appointment, the relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan were at a very low point. People were protesting against Pakistan, and vice-versa. There was name calling even at the level of presidents, and little co-operation existed between the two governments. When my son got sick [in Islamabad], no hospital would accepting him because he was the son of an Afghan Diplomat. I had to send him to a hospital in the name of my driver who was a Pakistani Pashtoon, claiming him as his own son.
My wife too got a severe infection and nobody would admit her to hospital because she was Afghan ambassador’s wife. I finally phoned [Pakistani Prime Minister] Bhutto’s office and told his secretary, if my wife dies, that the government of Afghanistan will hold the Prime Minister himself responsible.
Seven minutes later Botto’s secretary called and give me an address to a hospital where my wife remained under treatments for nine days. This is how bad the political situation between the two countries was.
President Daud ordered me to come to Kabul every month and personally report on the situation in Pakistan. He expressed a desire to improve relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. I told him that I now understand my mission as I went to Islamabad. There I had a meeting with Deputy Foreign Minister Mr. Agha Shahi. He was a personal friend to Prime Minister Bhutto. And I told him that we want the relations to improve.
He promised to get the message to Bhutto, and a few days later I was told to come for a meeting with the Prime Minister. At the meeting, Agha Shahi, the foreign minister, Aziz Ahmad, myself and Bhutto was present. They told me that if Afghanistan is willing to decrease ties with India, they would want to improve the ties with us. They asked me whether President Daud really wanted to improve ties with Pakistan.
And I said that is one hundred percent true.
The following night Bhutto invited my wife and me for dinner at his house. During the dinner Bhutto told me if his daughter, Benazir, who at the time was a student in London, was a boy, s(he) could become the prime minister of Pakistan. He never knew his wishes would come true.
Relations improved with a good speed. Pakistanis were coming to Kabul, and other Afghan cities and you could see Afghans in major Pakistani cities. At one of the diplomatic occasions, Pakistani foreign minister Aziz Ahmad told me to see Prime Minister Bhutto.
When I went to Bhutto’s office he reminded me that I was the first to offer friendship to Pakistan. Now he wanted to see if President Daud would invite him for talks to Kabul. If Daud was true to his word, this would be a test he is willing to take. I could not believe myself.
I came to Kabul with lots of hope, and I informed President Daud of Bhutto’s desire. President Daud was happy to hear the news, and he asked me to inform his older brother and the former foreign minister. When I went to inform his brother, he did not show any interest and his reactions were not positive. His concerns were that if we send the invitation, and Bhutto does not come, that would be an insult to Afghans and relationship will worsen before they improve. And he said we cannot improve our relationship with Pakistan by forceful diplomacy.
He told me a story, when he was the Foreign Minister of Afghanistan [and] President Daud was the Prime Minister. General Aiube Khan was the President of Pakistan and invited President Daud to Pakistan. President Daud could not attend and he sent his older brother the foreign minister and the second deputy of the prime minister in his place. When we went to Pakistan, General Aiube Khan who was a Pashtoon told me that we just finished a cabinet meeting, so let’s see our ministers.
Then when we entered the cabinet meeting room, he told me, ‘Mr Foreign Minister, 28 out of 34 of my cabinet ministers are Pashtoons and I am a Pashtoon. So when you Afghans are talking about Pashtoonistan, [ the Northwestern Frontier Province (NWFP), now referred to as FATA] whose Pashtoonistan are you talking about!? So let me save your time and not waste it on this subject.’
Then after 20 minutes, the Afghan delegation returned back to Afghanistan.
The older brother of President Daud (former foreign minister of Afghanistan) was telling me these stories to prove that any invitation to Afghanistan would prove worthless, and that the invitation should not be extended.
I insisted that from a stand-point of publicity, it would prove positive even if Bhutto did not come.
The former foreign minister was upset, and he told me that he could not make me understand the situation, and made me leave. I was emotional and had tears in my eyes and I was upset by the way I was treated. I told my driver to take me straight to the airport. On the way, I was passing through presidential palace, and decided that I must inform the president. When the president saw me he asked me to report.
I told him that our former foreign minister seem to be convinced and agreed. Maybe he will talk with you later, but from what I understood his position seemed was positive. I had to say this, and I was taking a great risk, but I could not let the opportunity slip of my hands. Improving the relations with Pakistan was crucial.
He asked me to write the invitation so he could sign it; several ministers were present including the foreign minister, interior minister, deputy president and deputy foreign minister. President Daud tore apart my written invitation, because I mentioned Pashtoonistan only once. He wrote the word Pashtoonistan three times, and made it a condition of the talks. We were responsible to translate the invitation in English and Pashto; he signed it the next morning and told us to take it to his older brother the former foreign minister before 11 AM.
I was trying to convince President Daud that it was not necessary for him [former foreign minister ] to see the invitation as he was positive about the idea, but President Daud insisted that he must see the invitation. I was afraid, and was not very keen to go back with the invitation, but I had to. When we reached the former foreign minister’s house he was in his garden.
He read the invitation and said, ‘what stupid leader would accept the invitation knowing that the word Pashtoonistan is mentioned 3 times.’ And he threw the official invitation signed by President Daud on the ground, and warned that we are going to worsen the relations even further more.
We picked up the invitation from the ground, dusted it off and returned back to the president. And when he asked what his brother thought about the invitation, we told him about his reaction. At this point President Daud, told me that you started this whole thing, and you better take the invitation to Bhutto. If he does not accept it, we will figure out another way in a few months.
I have to admit that the invitation was written such that it represented the interests of Afghanistan only. Long story short, on the way to Islamabad which was a seven hour drive, I was thinking and finding ways to convince Bhutto to accept the invitation. When I finally met Bhutto, he read the invitation and asked me, ‘Mr Ambassador how can anyone accept this invitation knowing that it serves the Afghan interest only? Remember Pashtoonistan is still in our territory. And how can I convince my cabinet and my parliament? Are you sure President Daud wants to improve the relations? Is there anything you can tell me to convince me?’
I said, ‘Yes sir, Afghanistan has untapped natural resources, there is a great opportunity for exploration and our natural resources could be the basis for great economic ties between our two countries.’
He promised to get back to me in three days. But the next night, Bhutto’s secretary called me at my residence to say that Bhutto wanted to talk to me. Bhutto’s was very happy to say that he had accepted the invitation. We finalised [formal preparations] 5th of June 1976 and informed him, and we became close friends and he began inviting me to his private parties.
When the list of delegations was prepared, I rejected 2 out of 18 members. The Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Aziz Ahmad, was quite old, and with a loud voice asked me whether it is me rejecting these 2 officials, or our president [was].
I told him that this was the decision of our President, then he said the Prime Minister might or might not replace them. The Pakistani Ambassador to Kabul suspected something, and slowly stood up and left the room. Half an hour later I finished the meeting and I asked my driver where the Pakistani ambassador went. He told me that his driver was preparing to leave for Kabul immediately.
I phoned my wife and told her that I was going to Kabul. It was 5 in the morning when I reached the Durand Border and I phoned the deputy foreign minister and told him that I am at the border and will be there [in Kabul] in 3 hours, but make sure you do not accept the Pakistani Ambassador nor talk to him on the phone!
When I got to his home, I told him that I have made a mistake. I rejected 2 members of the Pakistani delegation and told them that this was our President’s decision. He didn’t seemed uncomfortable for this, so we went to the President. I told the President the same, and he was uncomfortable and asked me why would reject when they insisted to have them on the delegation.
I said, ‘Mr. President, I am sorry I know this is inappropriate and I know I lied, by saying that you personally rejected these 2 people. While it is not new for the people of Pakistan and their officials and for the people of Afghanistan and our officials to blame each other, and even calling high level officials bad names, these 2 people were insulting Afghans and the Afghan nation. I thought they do not deserve to come to Afghanistan.’
At this point I noticed President Daud in a high state of emotion, he could not stop his tears and his voice was shaken and he told me, ‘Sherzoy, great job.’ Afghanistan and your people are above your mother, your father, your sisters and brothers and your children. Defend your country and your people with all costs. At this point he kissed my cheeks numerous times and hugged me and his tears continued to pour from his eyes.
Bhutto came to Afghanistan and talked about Pashtoonistan and other matters for 12 ½ hours. This was a tough meeting. President Daud told Prime Minister Bhutto that, ‘I have travelled the worlds and have met good minds, but I have seen no one like you. If I don’t talk with you, I will never talk with any other Pakistani.’
Bhutto in return extended the invitation to President Daud to come to Pakistan. And the invitation was accepted. President Daud came to Pakistan and was given the best reception Pakistan has ever given to foreign delegation up to that point. On the day of President Daud’s departure back to Kabul, many Pakistani Generals, members of Parliament and cabinet ministers came to say goodbye to President Daud.
In the presence of all of us, Prime Minister Botto tried to kiss President Daud’s hands. President Daud pulled his hands back and instead hugged Bhutto and kissed his cheek. Bhutto said loudly, ‘My Pakistani and Afghani brothers, President Daud is like a father to me, I would be proud if he accepted me as his son. That’s why I want to kiss his hand. I told him all about Pashtoonistan and I want President Daud who is the most important politician in our region, to decide for himself the fate of Pashtoonistan. I just have one request. He must not let this son to be shamed in front of his people.’
The fate of these two great friends was tragic. Bhutto was hanged by the Pakistani General [Zia-ul-Haq] and President Daud lost 17 members of his family and physically fought to his last breath to defend his country and his dignity [before being murdured in a military coup in April 1978, predating the Soviet invasion].

Posted by: Shah Loam | May 2 2009 3:43 utc | 15

After the G-d damned Brits drew the Durand Line so they could split away Pashtoonistan and Baluchistan from the Afghan Empire they twice tried to destroy, and so stealing Afghanistan’s 1000-year old Silk Road trade route to the Indian Ocean, that pre-dated not just the British East India trade franchise, but England itself. So that then during Daud’s reign, Pakistan closed that Durand border, forcing Afghanistan to turn to the Soviet Union for trade. So that then eventually the Soviets coached Daud into abolishing the constitution of 1964 and establishing the Republic of Afghanistan, with himself as ‘chairman of the Central Committee of the Republic’, an obvious Soviet meme towards the later invasion.
Where was Britain then, on that Soviet coup they set into motion with Durand? Oh, they were busy wearing ragmop hairdos and shagging anything dressed in vinyl plaid.
Great. Just great. Little Lord Fauntleroy in Beatles boots does Islamabad.

Posted by: Jay Jones | May 2 2009 4:36 utc | 17

Thanks small coke @14
Is this a White hot White house White wash we’ve been waiting for?
You may now return to your previously mediated Realities…

Posted by: Uncle $cam | May 2 2009 8:00 utc | 19