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The Guardian’s Mysterious Tsvangirai Op-ed
Morgan Tsvangirai is the ‘western’ supported opposition leader in Zimbabwe who runs against Robert Mugawe.
Yesterday the British Guardian published an op-ed by Tsvangirai which called for military intervention. That op-ed has since been taken down from the Guardian website.
Today the Guardian publishes a letter by Tsvangirai, that delegitimizes yesterdays comment which is still available via the Google cache:
Why I am not running
Morgan Tsvangirai
My people are at breaking point. World leaders’ bold rhetoric must be backed with military force
…
Our call now for intervention seeks to challenge standard procedure in international diplomacy. …
We envision a more energetic and, indeed, activist strategy. Our proposal is one that aims to remove the often debilitating barriers of state sovereignty, which rests on a centuries-old foundation of the sanctity of governments, even those which have proven themselves illegitimate and decrepit.
… We do not want armed conflict, but the people of Zimbabwe need the words of indignation from global leaders to be backed by the moral rectitude of military force. Such a force would be in the role of peacekeepers, not trouble-makers. They would separate the people from their oppressors and cast the protective shield around the democratic process for which Zimbabwe yearns. …
The op-ed also spits with hate towards Mugawe calling him "a power-crazed despot." Picking from the above comment, the ‘western’ media repeated the call for military intervention.
Today there is a full retraction of the above. In his letter to the Guardian Morgan Tsvangirai now writes:
An article that appeared in my name, published in the Guardian (Why I am not running, June 25), did not reflect my position or opinions regarding solutions to the Zimbabwean crisis. Although the Guardian was given assurances from credible sources that I had approved the article this was not the case. … By way of clarification I would like to state the following: I am not advocating military intervention in Zimbabwe by the UN or any other organisation.
I find no editorial explanation on the Guardian website on what happened here.
- How did the Guardian get the first piece?
- Who assured the Guardian that the piece was written or at least authorized by Morgan Tsvangirai?
- How did the Guardian check the claim that its was authorized?
Conspiracy minded people will smells an ‘Information Operation’ campaign by some USuk group that forgot to make sure that they really held the strings of their puppet. There may be other non-nefarious explanations. The Guardian urgently needs to tell why and how this happened.
finally, a more balanced segment for thursday’s democracy now
Zimbabwe and the Question of Imperialism: A Discussion
Today we host a discussion on Zimbabwe: We’re joined in Washington DC by Professor Gerald Horne. He is the Chair of History and African American Studies at the University of Houston and the author of numerous books including “From the Barrel of a Gun: The United States and the War Against Zimbabwe, 1965-1980.” Joining us on the phone from Syracuse, New York is Professor Horace Campbell. He is Professor of African American Studies and Politics at Syracuse University. He has written extensively about Pan-Africanism and Zimbabwe.
(transcript is not up yet at time of this posting)
one review of horne’s “From the Barrel of a Gun: The United States and the War Against Zimbabwe, 1965-1980”
Book Sheds Light Upon Sources of Domestic Terrorism
Horne’s well-crafted book is an account of the reactionary forces that coalesced around the white supremacist government in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. He documents the multinational corporate interests, the right-wing mercenary elements, the secret intelligence networks, and the political alignments that sustained Rhodesia. Union Carbide, Chrysler, Hertz Rental Cars, TWA, McDonnell Douglas, the CIA, Strom Thurmond, Harry Byrd, Richard Nixon, and ex-president George Bush were just some of the major actors that put off majority rule and prolonged the violence and killing in Zimbabwe. Many of the same conservatives and white supremacists that supported Reagan in the 1980s against enforcing sanctions on South Africa’s apartheid government also pressed the Nixon administration in the 1960s and 1970s to thwart UN-imposed sanctions on Rhodesia.
Although this fascinating book is of great interest to progressive students of US foreign policy, African de-colonization, and US politics in the 1970s and ’80s, it also briefly addresses the issue of covert biological warfare undertaken by the white supremacist Southern African governments (with the support of US-based intelligence and political entities) to maintain their power. At the time of writing, of course, Horne could not have foretold the significance of this portion of the story, but readers, in today’s climate, might pay special attention.
During the 1980s, South Africa’s apartheid government established a special secret governmental agency — that not-surprisingly had ties to the CIA but also had ties to the Centers for Disease Control — to try to control the African National Congress (ANC) and the anti-apartheid movement in general. This included covert efforts to develop biological and chemical weapons, including ecstasy (to diffuse demonstrations), cholera, HIV virus, botulinum, and anthrax. The latter, according to Horne’s account, was specifically used in letters to be sent to assassinate leaders of the ANC and other enemies of white supremacy in Southern Africa. After the fall of apartheid, South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, in the late 1990s, unearthed witness testimony and documents that Johannesburg prostitutes were purposely infected with HIV, that cholera was deliberately put into water used by Southern African farmers and livestock herders, that poisoned
cigarettes, letters, candies, and other items were developed and sold on the international market (for terrorist and covert governmental intelligence communities that seem to have unique bonds) through phony corporations to raise funds for these “anti-terrorist” efforts. The commission also heard testimony by Americans involved in these activities. From the Barrel of a Gun, draws direct links between the South African efforts to preserve apartheid and those who fought to save the white Rhodesian government.
Most importantly, Horne’s research demonstrates how closely intertwined were corporate interests, white racism, and US foreign policy.
campbell’s article – Pan-Africanists: Our collective duty to Zimbabwe
We want to go on record in saying that neither the government of Britain nor the government of the United States has the moral authority to oppose the present government of Zimbabwe. Imperialists and neo- conservatives have their own agenda when imposing sanctions and we are against sanctions in Zimbabwe. Progressive Pan Africanists must remain vigilant so that brutal oppression of the Zimbabwean peoples is not countenanced in the name of anti-imperialism.
These sanctions have not prevented the rulers of Zimbabwe from looting the Treasury and participating in the very same forms of speculative capitalism that is lauded by neo-liberals. Under the ZANU-PF leadership the Zimbabwe Stocks Exchange {ZSE} has ballooned to phenomenal levels as a result of the speculative activities of the rulers in Zimbabwe. In a country where the economic crisis has meant increased poverty for two years the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange offered investors the highest returns in Africa. For two years in a row, 2005 and 2006, the Africa Stock Exchanges Association (ASEA) reported that the ZSE was the best performing Stock Market in Africa.
Robert Mugabe and the ZANU-PF may be against imperialism but this group is not against capitalism or the looting of the assets of the society. The government of Cuba has been blockaded by the United States for more than forty years. Yet this government did not support a small class that looted and got rich while the majority of the population remained poor and terrorized.
Those who support the working peoples of Zimbabwe must insist on transparency in dealing with transnational corporations and the integrity of the ruling personnel in their day-to-day activities. This call for accountability is especially important in so far as though we are opposed to the threat of war coming from ZANU PF we are not encouraged by the policies and posture of the leadership of the MDC. These elements have displayed an amazing level of intellectual subservience to the West and to the ideas of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
one more pambazuka article
When uncle Bob and uncle Sam were friends
This is not the first time that America and the West, bankrolled and oversaw a one party dictatorship or military rule for decades only to ditch the regime when it is no longer serving their interests. But only after dusting off blood from their hands and clothes, and presenting themselves as the moral voice, urging for war crimes against the very regime that they baby-seated, reared and mentored. From Mobuto Seso Seko, Saddam Hussain, Charles Taylor and the Taliban to Uncle Bob—the list of rulers utilized and dumped like used condoms by Uncle Sam and his brethren is endless.
There is no prize if you guess what trajectory Morgan Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change are most likely to tread if they ascend power. My two year old son, Goitsemodimo, has whispered to me that Zimbabwe will be under the tyranny of the market and remote control by “the empire.”
Posted by: b real | Jun 26 2008 19:52 utc | 4
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