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OT 07-53
News & views … please comment …
Another repugnant demand for Holocaust reparations that gives the word ‘greed’ new meaning! Remember that these ‘children’ must be between 50 – 62 years old and have now suddenly decided the cow can be milked further (The last paragraph, a letter from a Times reader, is particularly poignant):
From The Times, July 23, 2007
Holocaust survivors’ children sue over psychological damage
James Hider in Jerusalem
Thousands of Israelis whose parents were persecuted in the Holocaust have filed a joint lawsuit against Germany to force it to pay for psychiatric treatment for problems arising from their blighted childhoods.
Many have obsessions inherited from parents who spent years in concentration camps, including stockpiling food, fear of dogs and eating disorders, said Baruch Mazor, the Israeli lawyer whose firm filed the class action suit in Tel Aviv this week. One of the women involved lives almost entirely off bread — which her parents hoarded in the freezer — and has become so overweight that she can barely walk.
Many of the Holocaust survivors’ children have also had difficulty forming relationships and worry that their psychological blocks may be passed on to their own children.
“There is a very realistic need for this, because they are having problems raising their children,” Mr Mazor told The Times.
There are as many as 400,000 people living in Israel whose parents were victims of the Nazi regime. Mr Mazor estimated that about 2,000 need some form of counselling which, he argues, Germany should pay for. At the first meeting to register names in June, almost 1,000 people showed up.
Germany has paid billions of dollars to survivors of Hitler’s Final Solution but has so far refused to compensate their children, worried that it would be exposed for generations to come. Mr Mazor said that such fears were unfounded, as the mental problems appeared to be diminishing from generation to generation, with maybe only a couple of hundred third-generation sufferers needing help.
He estimated that the whole process would cost Berlin at least £35 million a year, for two years. The money would be paid directly to therapists providing counselling.
Esti Eliraz’s parents were both 17 when they were sent from their homes in Cracow to the nearby Nazi death camp of Auschwitz, where they met and together survived the systematic murder of millions of their fellow Jews. After four years there, they were liberated and fled to Cyprus, where they married before moving to Israel.
Mrs Eliraz never established a real relationship with her mother, who wrote a book on her experiences, while she craved the love of a distant father who refused to talk about the horrors of the past. He would often awake, screaming, from nightmares. Sometimes his nerves collapsed completely and he would beat her and her brother, then buy them presents to show his remorse and love. He never kissed or held his children, and told them to present the outside world with a mask.
Now 58, and divorced, she still dreams of her father, whose grave she visits often. “I still am angry with him, I did not forgive him,” she said. An obsessive hoarder of food, like her brother and parents, she has trouble forming deep relationships. “I always want to please everyone . . . it’s not good because people take advantage of many things in me.”
Worse, she fears that her difficulties may have been passed on to her son, an actor who has channelled his troubled past into a critically acclaimed stage show about Hitler, in which he plays the dictator himself.
Mrs Eliraz dreams of being able to afford the £70 a week — a third of her income — to consult a specialist psychologist. Once she has overcome some of her mental blocks, she would like to be able to visit the ruins of the death camp where her parents met. She said: “Maybe I will forgive my father for being so hard with me, when I see the places that he was, Auschwitz and everything.”
Have your say (= Readers’ Comments)
There are 5 billion palestinian muslims in refugee camps at present. All those who have been killed over absured ideologies are innocent. This does not disclude the palestinian’s who are constantly being bombarded with bombs and home invasions. Does this make the loss of jewish life in the holocaust any less horrible no, but certainly, if we want to give money to any group why not start with the african american’s in the US and europe you still suffer the indignation they faced as the white man’s slave. That’s a good starting point.
r, London, UK,
Isn’t it ironic that the survivors of the Holocaust are now asking for damages? Could anybody tell me when the compensation cycle will ever end? are they the only people on earth that have suffered? look at the plight of the Palestinians who have under the occupation of the jews for over 60 years? look at the Armenians who were butchered by the Turks? I could list a full page of similar crimes.
I think the world as a whole can now sue the United States of America, Great Britain, France for the wars they have committed, the sufferings they caused the inhabitants of their colonies etc… A “Grand U.N. Tribunal” would be in order to try all their leaders and their past leaders and the children, grand-children of those leaders.
Bernie Haddad, Calgary, Alberta, Canada
Posted by: Parviz | Aug 3 2007 17:46 utc | 5
In Terrorism-Law Case, Chiquita Points to U.S. – Firm Says It Awaited Justice Dept. Advice
WaPo gets confused about terror and murder. Mistakes collusion for ass-covering. Introduces a degree of legitimacy to the idea that US corporations aiding terrorists is a heart-wrenching, complicated issue when US interests are at stake. Wade through a lot of pro-Chiquita, false debate WaPo bullshit, and find the pearls…
On April 24, 2003, a board member of Chiquita International Brands disclosed to a top official at the Justice Department that the king of the banana trade was evidently breaking the nation’s anti-terrorism laws.
Roderick M. Hills, who had sought the meeting with former law firm colleague Michael Chertoff, explained that Chiquita was paying “protection money” to a Colombian paramilitary group on the U.S. government’s list of terrorist organizations. Hills said he knew that such payments were illegal, according to sources and court records, but said that he needed Chertoff’s advice.
Chiquita, Hills said, would have to pull out of the country if it could not continue to pay the violent right-wing group to secure its Colombian banana plantations. Chertoff, then assistant attorney general and now secretary of homeland security, affirmed that the payments were illegal but said to wait for more feedback, according to five sources familiar with the meeting.
(…)
Sources close to Chiquita say that Chertoff never did get back to the company or its lawyers. Neither did Larry D. Thompson, the deputy attorney general, whom Chiquita officials sought out after Chertoff left his job for a federal judgeship in June 2003. And Chiquita kept making payments for nearly another year.
What transpired at the Justice Department meeting is now a central issue in a criminal probe…
Chiquita’s executives left the meeting convinced that the government had not clearly demanded that the payments stop.
Why, there’s a legitimate debate about United Fruit/Chiquita bribing the AUC because they are not al qaeda; Chiquita serves as stabilizing force in the region; and this all thus serves legitimate US interests.
Justice officials have acknowledged in court papers that an official at the meeting said they understood Chiquita’s situation was “complicated,” and three of the sources identified that official as Chertoff. They said he promised to get back to the company after conferring with national security advisers and the State Department about the larger ramifications for U.S. interests if the corporate giant pulled out overnight.
(…)
But legal sources on both sides say there was a genuine debate within the Justice Department about the seriousness of the crime of paying AUC. For some high-level administration officials, Chiquita’s payments were not aiding an obvious terrorism threat such as al-Qaeda; instead, the cash was going to a violent South American group helping a major U.S. company maintain a stabilizing presence in Colombia.
(…)
Then, on April 24, the company executives met with Justice officials, including Chertoff. They disclosed the payments and Justice officials said they were against the law. Hills said he agreed, but stressed that Chiquita would have to withdraw from the country if it did not pay AUC, and noted this could affect U.S. security interests in that region.
United Fruit/Chiquita’s arms-running side operation is news to me. I guess the malfeasance must just stop with arms and bribes. Probably no drug running involved.
An Organization of American States report in 2003 said that An Organization of American States report in 2003 said that An Organization of American States report in 2003 said that Chiquita participated in smuggling thousands of arms for paramilitaries into the Northern Uraba region, using docks operated by the company to unload thousands of Central American assault rifles and ammunition.
Iguaran, whose office has been investigating Chiquita’s operations, said the company knew AUC was using payoffs and arms to fund operations against peasants, union workers and rivals. At the time of the payments, AUC was growing into a powerful army and was expanding across much of Colombia and, according to the Colombian government, its soldiers killed thousands before it began demobilizing. Chiquita participated in smuggling thousands of arms for paramilitaries into the Northern Uraba region, using docks operated by the company to unload thousands of Central American assault rifles and ammunition.
Iguaran, whose office has been investigating Chiquita’s operations, said the company knew AUC was using payoffs and arms to fund operations against peasants, union workers and rivals. At the time of the payments, AUC was growing into a powerful army and was expanding across much of Colombia and, according to the Colombian government, its soldiers killed thousands before it began demobilizing.Chiquita participated in smuggling thousands of arms for paramilitaries into the Northern Uraba region, using docks operated by the company to unload thousands of Central American assault rifles and ammunition.
Iguaran, whose office has been investigating Chiquita’s operations, said the company knew AUC was using payoffs and arms to fund operations against peasants, union workers and rivals. At the time of the payments, AUC was growing into a powerful army and was expanding across much of Colombia and, according to the Colombian government, its soldiers killed thousands before it began demobilizing.
Posted by: Uncle $cam | Aug 4 2007 1:01 utc | 18
another somalian warlord back in power
BELETWEIN, Somalia Aug 3 (Garowe Online) – Residents in the central Somali town of Beletwein, 300km north of Mogadishu, were concerned today that armed conflict might erupt in the region between the old governor of Hiran and the newly-appointed governor, Yusuf “Daboged” Ahmed.
Daboged, backed by an unknown number of troops and armored trucks, arrived in the southern Hiran district of Jalalaksi on Thursday, where he was received by district officials and loyal gunmen, sources said.
He departed from Mogadishu after President Abdullahi Yusuf renamed him to the post of Hiran governor in July. Daboged was appointed governor of Hiran by Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi in 2006 but he was expelled from the region’s capital, Beletwein, by the Islamic Courts militia last August.
Like fellow warlords, Daboged was returned to power by the Ethiopian army as they swept through town-after-town dismantling the Islamist militia.
if he can keep it, though. didn’t last very long the first time he was appointed, and it’s open season on political appointees of the re-established warlord TFG…
Another district commissioner assassinated in Somalia
MOGADISHU, Somalia Aug 3 (Garowe Online) – A district commissioner in northern Mogadishu was assassinated at his home Friday evening, officials and relatives said.
Two unidentified gunmen armed with pistols knocked on the door of Ali Fidow, commissioner of Yaaqshiid district, at 8pm local time today. Relatives said Fidow’s armed guards were not around at the time so he personally opened the door.
“He suffered gunshot wounds but died later at the hospital,” said one relative in shock.
Col. Hassan “Jifyare” Mohamud, commander of the Yaaqshiid police station, confirmed the killing but admitted that police units who were on the scene within minutes failed to capture the killers.
Fidow is the second district commissioner of Yaaqshiid to be killed by suspected insurgents. He replaced his predecessor who was assassinated in February.
So far, six of Mogadishu’s sixteen district commissioners and several of their deputies have been assassinated.
— — — — —
other than that the penultimate section seems a bit out of place given the clear msg in what precedes it, here’s an excerpt from a pretty strong, clear analysis of the problems that the u.s. empire is facing w/ it’s AFRICOM project, taken from the written testimony of a witness at thursday’s u.s. house of representatives committee on foreign affairs subcommittee on africa and global health (gasp! allow me a moment to catch my breath…) hearing, titled “Africa Command: Opportunity for Enhanced Engagement or the Militarization of U.S.-Africa Relations?”
[also, who’s the (neo-)person/org that keeps getting peter scam pham added as a last minute witness to these hearings on africa?]
testimony of Dr Wafula Okumu, head, african security analysis programme, institute for security studies, pretoria, south africa
Why Africans are reluctant to embrace Africom
The coldness with which Africans hold Africom was displayed in July when Gen Kip Ward, the newly appointed first commander of Africom, was denied a meeting with the South African minister of defence, Mosiuoa Lekota, during his visit to the country to drum up support for the planned command. There are a number of reasons why Africans are reluctant to embrace Africom.
First, any country hosting the command will be criticised for violating Africa’s common positions on African defence and security, which discourages the hosting of foreign troops on the African soil. In particular, it is thought, such troops could be used to undermine the Continent’s Non-Aggression Pact, solemn declaration on common African defence and security, and other positions on hosting foreign bases in Africa.
Second, Africans vividly remember that colonialism was preceded by philanthropic missionaries who came to fulfil God’s Will of rescuing Africans from the clutches of barbarism. To paraphrase Kenyatta’s allegory, “when the Whiteman came to Africa, he was holding a Bible in one hand and asked us to close our eyes and pray. When we opened our eyes after the prayer, his other hand was holding a gun and all our land was gone!” Africa’s colonial history was characterised by military occupations, exploitation of its natural resources and suppression of its people. After testing decades of independence, these countries are now jealously guarding their sovereignty and are highly suspicious of foreigners, even those with good intentions.
Third, when Africans reflect on the continent’s relations with the U.S., they see ambiguity, neglect, and selective engagement. For instance, during the period of decolonization, the U.S. did not openly support the UN decolonization initiatives, particularly when these were not aligned with its Cold War positions. Often, the U.S. was reluctant to support anti-colonial and anti-apartheid liberation movements in Southern Africa and colonial Portugal, a member of NATO. U.S. forcefully reacted to African regimes that forged close relations with the Soviet Union and China, while aligning closer to anti-Communist African despots who were anti-democratic and had horrendous human rights records. With this historical background, Africom might be considered in Africa if its objectives did not appear to be based on the principle of “manifest destiny” of “saving Africa.” The proposal will be seriously considered if it primarily seeks to strengthen the capacity of the African Union and other African organizations to implement Africa’s development, peace and security agendas.
Fourth, Africans are not comfortable dealing with the military in matters related to their development and sovereignty. Africans are concerned that the establishment of Africom might do more harm than good—“the poised hammer that makes everything suddenly look like a nail,” in the words of Esquire magazine. They would be much more comfortable dealing with American diplomats, USAID and Peace Corp volunteers rather than the U.S. Marine. Africans are nervously concerned that Africom will sanction the militarization of diplomacy and severely undermine multilateralism on the continent. Africans have consciously adopted multilateralism as a common approach to addressing the continent’s problems and confronting its challenges. Africom seems to be a unilateral approach that would be counter to the current trend towards unity on the continent. Consequently, the establishment of Africom must secure an African consensus otherwise it would bring new and grave threats and challenges to the continent’s peace and security agenda. The issue of foreign military presence on the African soil is in violation of this agenda.
Additionally, the U.S. should bear in mind that following the emergence of other players in Africa; any initiative aimed at the whole continent cannot be unilaterally conceived and implemented. Although it is factually acknowledged that the U.S., as the most powerful global military and economic power, has the will and capacity to undertake unilateral actions, there are severe limitations and far-reaching consequences for the unconsidered use of power. The U.S. engagement in the Middle East has proved that the policy of consolidating democracy in the region, destroying al-Queda and removing abhorrent regimes from power can fail despite all its seemingly good intentions.
Fifth, the launching and the aggressive promotion of Africom are taking place at the same time that Africa is debating the “Union Government” proposal. There are feelings, as expressed in a recently held consultative meeting of the African Union PCRD in Lusaka, Zambia, that Africom is an American attempt to ensure that the aspiration for African Unity is checked by a heavy U.S. military presence on the continent. This concern is based on the track record of American military intervention in Africa. The image of U.S. military involvement in Africa becomes more confusing when one looks at the “hard” security concerns of Africa. Many Africans are asking why American troops were not deployed to prevent or restrain the Rwandan genocidaires. Why the U.S. forces remained anchored safely off the coast of Liberia when that country, the nearest thing America ever had to an African colony, faced brutal disintegration in 2003? Why the U.S. has not supported the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and instead supported the Ethiopian intervention through airpower from CJTF-HOA stationed in Djibouti? Is the U.S. really interested in addressing the felt security needs of Africans, or does its proposed military presence foreshadow the kind of destruction we have seen recently in Somalia? Is Africa to become merely another theatre of operations in which winning the “hearts and minds” forms an essential component of a “security” driven agenda? Why should ordinary Africans welcome an American presence that will create African targets for extremists where none existed, and add an unwelcome dimension to already complex local conflicts? Why is Washington not able to do something to address Africa’s needs by modifying its trade policy? If the U.S. is really committed to participating in the continent’s development why not support the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)? This would surely have a greater developmental impact, if improving the livelihoods of the people is what the U.S. wants; maybe this has not been clearly stated as such in the previous definition of Africa’s needs.
Sixth, Africans were never consulted during the conceptualization of Africom. Rather Africom was announced and has been presented as a fait accompli. Africans are presently experiencing the exuberance of self-importance and confidence to drive their own destiny. There is a prevailing mood on the continent to reassert African self-worth and self-determination. This is why “consultation” has become a common cliché on the continent.
Seventh, there is also a concern that Africom will suffer from mission creep by being transformed from engagement in humanitarian missions to an interventionist force, as was the case with Operation Restore Hope in Somalia in 1992. The change of the humanitarian objectives could also come about due to the nexus of energy, poverty, and terrorism. Despite the oil wealth of African countries, 23 West African nations are ranked bottom on the UN human development index on poverty. The test case for this mission would be the Niger Delta region where an insurgency has been taking place since 2004, when unemployed youths took up arms to demand an equitable distribution of Nigeria’s oil wealth. Besides using violence, sabotage and kidnapping tactics, these youths under the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), have shut off approximately 711,000 barrels per day (bpd) of Nigeria’s output of 2.5 million bpd. There is a strong feeling that if such activities interfere with U.S. oil supplies in Africa, there is a high likelihood that Africom could be used to protect U.S. interests.
Eighth, militarization of U.S.-Africa relations—Africans are wary of the U.S. record in Iraq and concerned that the Pentagon is taking the lead role in the promotion of U.S. interests. Establishment of Africom could be seen as President Bush’s approach of using military force to pursue U.S. strategic interests. Africom will not only militarise U.S.-African relations but also those African countries in which it will be located. This could have far-reaching consequences, as the presence of American bases in these countries will create radical militants opposed to the U.S. and make Americans targets of violence.
Ninth, the mixed messages being relayed to Africa by the U.S. government have compounded the confusion and heightened the suspicions Africans have of Africom’s objectives:
In 1995, the DOD in its U.S. Security Strategy for Sub-Saharan Africa stated that the U.S. had “very little traditional strategic interest in Africa.” But Theresa Whelan, the Assistant Secretary for Defence, has recently argued that Africa is providing “tens of thousands of U.S. jobs, …possesses 8% of the world’s petroleum; and it is a major source of critical minerals, precious metals and food commodities.”
Ryan Henry, the Principal Deputy Undersecretary of Defence for Policy and Pentagon pointman on Africom, has stated that its purpose is not to wage war but “to work in concert with (U.S.) African partners for a more stable environment in which political and economic growth can take place.” However, Gen Wald minced no words when he stated that: “I’d like to have some forward bases in Africa. The world has changed and we are going to make our security. The Halcyon days are over.”
General Bantz Craddock, the EUCOM Commander, told journalists in Washington in June that protecting energy assets, particularly in West Africa and the Gulf of Guinea, would guide the focus of Africom. Gen Craddock added that Africom will “enable countries (in West Africa) to improve their security of any type of production—oil, natural gas, minerals.”
These intentions are reflective of the bold recommendations made by Vice President Dick Cheney’s National Energy Policy Development Group, in 2001, that the Bush administration “make(s) energy security a priority of (U.S.) trade and foreign policy.” One year later, the Bush administration rolled out its “West Point Doctrine” that essentially stated that the U.S. would not allow a major economic, political or military competitor to emerge.
Almost all African countries are reluctant to host Africom; some have made it clear that they do not want anything to do with it while others have even warned that it should not be stationed in any country neighbouring them. These countries are aware that the generosity of providing military advisors can easily turn into sending of conventional forces and a full-blown military intervention. For instance, Africom could provide Nigerian armed forces training to combat the Niger delta insurgence, which could later be upgraded to limited special operations to rescue American hostages and hunt down those who have attacked American economic interests.
…
Posted by: b real | Aug 4 2007 4:52 utc | 28
On the torture of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the New Yorker’s Jane Mayer writes The Black Sites A rare look inside the C.I.A.’s secret interrogation program.
According to the Bush Administration, Mohammed divulged information of tremendous value during his detention. He is said to have helped point the way to the capture of Hambali, the Indonesian terrorist responsible for the 2002 bombings of night clubs in Bali. He also provided information on an Al Qaeda leader in England. Michael Sheehan, a former counterterrorism official at the State Department, said, “K.S.M. is the poster boy for using tough but legal tactics. He’s the reason these techniques exist. You can save lives with the kind of information he could give up.” Yet Mohammed’s confessions may also have muddled some key investigations. Perhaps under duress, he claimed involvement in thirty-one criminal plots—an improbable number, even for a high-level terrorist. Critics say that Mohammed’s case illustrates the cost of the C.I.A.’s desire for swift intelligence. Colonel Dwight Sullivan, the top defense lawyer at the Pentagon’s Office of Military Commissions, which is expected eventually to try Mohammed for war crimes, called his serial confessions “a textbook example of why we shouldn’t allow coercive methods.”
…
Concern about the legality of the C.I.A.’s program reached a previously unreported breaking point last week when Senator Ron Wyden, a Democrat on the intelligence committee, quietly put a “hold” on the confirmation of John Rizzo, who as acting general counsel was deeply involved in establishing the agency’s interrogation and detention policies. Wyden’s maneuver essentially stops the nomination from going forward. “I question if there’s been adequate legal oversight,” Wyden told me. He said that after studying a classified addendum to President Bush’s new executive order, which specifies permissible treatment of detainees, “I am not convinced that all of these techniques are either effective or legal. I don’t want to see well-intentioned C.I.A. officers breaking the law because of shaky legal guidance.”
A former C.I.A. officer, who supports the agency’s detention and interrogation policies, said he worried that, if the full story of the C.I.A. program ever surfaced, agency personnel could face criminal prosecution. Within the agency, he said, there is a “high level of anxiety about political retribution” for the interrogation program. If congressional hearings begin, he said, “several guys expect to be thrown under the bus.” He noted that a number of C.I.A. officers have taken out professional liability insurance, to help with potential legal fees.
…
While Mohammed was being held by the agency, detailed dossiers on the treatment of detainees were regularly available to the former C.I.A. director George Tenet, according to informed sources inside and outside the agency. Through a spokesperson, Tenet denied making day-to-day decisions about the treatment of individual detainees. But, according to a former agency official, “Every single plan is drawn up by interrogators, and then submitted for approval to the highest possible level—meaning the director of the C.I.A. Any change in the plan—even if an extra day of a certain treatment was added—was signed off by the C.I.A. director.”
…
Agency scientists found that in just a few hours some subjects suspended in water tanks—or confined in isolated rooms wearing blacked-out goggles and earmuffs—regressed to semi-psychotic states. Moreover, McCoy said, detainees become so desperate for human interaction that “they bond with the interrogator like a father, or like a drowning man having a lifesaver thrown at him. If you deprive people of all their senses, they’ll turn to you like their daddy.” McCoy added that “after the Cold War we put away those tools. There was bipartisan reform. We backed away from those dark days. Then, under the pressure of the war on terror, they didn’t just bring back the old psychological techniques—they perfected them.”
The C.I.A.’s interrogation program is remarkable for its mechanistic aura. “It’s one of the most sophisticated, refined programs of torture ever,” an outside expert familiar with the protocol said. “At every stage, there was a rigid attention to detail. Procedure was adhered to almost to the letter. There was top-down quality control, and such a set routine that you get to the point where you know what each detainee is going to say, because you’ve heard it before. It was almost automated. People were utterly dehumanized. People fell apart. It was the intentional and systematic infliction of great suffering masquerading as a legal process. It is just chilling.”
…
Soon after Mohammed’s arrest, sources say, his American captors told him, “We’re not going to kill you. But we’re going to take you to the very brink of your death and back.” He was first taken to a secret U.S.-run prison in Afghanistan. According to a Human Rights Watch report released two years ago, there was a C.I.A.-affiliated black site in Afghanistan by 2002: an underground prison near Kabul International Airport. Distinctive for its absolute lack of light, it was referred to by detainees as the Dark Prison.
…
According to sources, Mohammed said that, while in C.I.A. custody, he was placed in his own cell, where he remained naked for several days. He was questioned by an unusual number of female handlers, perhaps as an additional humiliation. He has alleged that he was attached to a dog leash, and yanked in such a way that he was propelled into the walls of his cell. Sources say that he also claimed to have been suspended from the ceiling by his arms, his toes barely touching the ground. The pressure on his wrists evidently became exceedingly painful.
Ramzi Kassem, who teaches at Yale Law School, said that a Yemeni client of his, Sanad al-Kazimi, who is now in Guantánamo, alleged that he had received similar treatment in the Dark Prison, the facility near Kabul. Kazimi claimed to have been suspended by his arms for long periods, causing his legs to swell painfully. “It’s so traumatic, he can barely speak of it,” Kassem said. “He breaks down in tears.” Kazimi also claimed that, while hanging, he was beaten with electric cables.
…
An American Bar Association report, published in 1930, which was cited in a later U.S. Supreme Court decision, said, “It has been known since 1500 at least that deprivation of sleep is the most effective torture and certain to produce any confession desired.”
Under President Bush’s new executive order, C.I.A. detainees must receive the “basic necessities of life, including adequate food and water, shelter from the elements, necessary clothing, protection from extremes of heat and cold, and essential medical care.” Sleep, according to the order, is not among the basic necessities.
…
Mohammed is said to have described being chained naked to a metal ring in his cell wall for prolonged periods in a painful crouch. (Several other detainees who say that they were confined in the Dark Prison have described identical treatment.) He also claimed that he was kept alternately in suffocating heat and in a painfully cold room, where he was doused with ice water. The practice, which can cause hypothermia, violates the Geneva Conventions, and President Bush’s new executive order arguably bans it.
…
Mohammed was kept in a prolonged state of sensory deprivation, during which every point of reference was erased. The Council on Europe’s report describes a four-month isolation regime as typical. The prisoners had no exposure to natural light, making it impossible for them to tell if it was night or day. They interacted only with masked, silent guards. (A detainee held at what was most likely an Eastern European black site, Mohammed al-Asad, told me that white noise was piped in constantly, although during electrical outages he could hear people crying.) According to a source familiar with the Red Cross report, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed claimed that he was shackled and kept naked, except for a pair of goggles and earmuffs. (Some prisoners were kept naked for as long as forty days.) He had no idea where he was, although, at one point, he apparently glimpsed Polish writing on a water bottle.
In the C.I.A.’s program, meals were delivered sporadically, to insure that the prisoners remained temporally disoriented. The food was largely tasteless, and barely enough to live on. Mohammed, who upon his capture in Rawalpindi was photographed looking flabby and unkempt, was now described as being slim. Experts on the C.I.A. program say that the administering of food is part of its psychological arsenal. Sometimes portions were smaller than the day before, for no apparent reason. “It was all part of the conditioning,” the person involved in the Council of Europe inquiry said. “It’s all calibrated to develop dependency.”
The inquiry source said that most of the Poland detainees were waterboarded, including Mohammed. According to the sources familiar with the Red Cross report, Mohammed claimed to have been waterboarded five times.
…
The former officer said that the C.I.A. kept a doctor standing by during interrogations. He insisted that the method was safe and effective, but said that it could cause lasting psychic damage to the interrogators. During interrogations, the former agency official said, officers worked in teams, watching each other behind two-way mirrors. Even with this group support, the friend said, Mohammed’s interrogator “has horrible nightmares.” He went on, “When you cross over that line of darkness, it’s hard to come back. You lose your soul. You can do your best to justify it, but it’s well outside the norm. You can’t go to that dark a place without it changing you.” He said of his friend, “He’s a good guy. It really haunts him. You are inflicting something really evil and horrible on somebody.”
…
When pressed, one former top agency official estimated that “ninety per cent of the information was unreliable.” Cables carrying Mohammed’s interrogation transcripts back to Washington reportedly were prefaced with the warning that “the detainee has been known to withhold information or deliberately mislead.” Mohammed, like virtually all the top Al Qaeda prisoners held by the C.I.A., has claimed that, while under coercion, he lied to please his captors.
Confirmation from the Washington Post
The ICRC report, which was given to CIA Director Gen. Michael V. Hayden and has had limited distribution within the administration’s highest ranks, details interviews with the 14 detainees and assesses the CIA program. Sources familiar with the document have told The Washington Post that the report shows amazing similarities in terms of how the detainees were treated even though they were kept isolated from one another.
Sources also have told The Post that the detainees almost universally told the ICRC that they made up stories to get the harsh interrogations to stop, possibly leading U.S. officials astray with bad intelligence. Mohammed confessed to taking part in 31 of the world’s most dramatic terrorist attacks when he appeared at a Combatant Status Review Tribunal hearing at Guantanamo, and he presented officers at the hearing with a document detailing his alleged torture at the hands of the CIA. That document has been classified.
Posted by: b | Aug 5 2007 8:31 utc | 48
keith harmon snow & georgianne nienaber: Gorillas “Executed” Stories front for Privatization and Militarization of Congo Parks, Truth of Depopulation Ignored
very interesting rpt. a group of african friends & i were just discussing this story over dinner tonite, focusing on the western outrage over 3 dead gorillas in congo while ignoring four million dead congolese people & suspecting that it had something to do w/ either distracting from that bigger story of the rape of the congo, or perhaps facilitating the opportunity for more direct foriegn control of land there. after reading this, i guess we weren’t cynical enough.
towards the end, the authors point out that
Many of the same players noted above are involved behind the scenes in Somalia, Chad, Ethiopia and Sudan—the “Save Darfur” interests and lobby behind “genocide” in Darfur—and profit from warfare and “humanitarian relief” while millions and millions of Africa’s people suffer and die.
which i will use as a segue into my next links re last weeks u.n. resolution for a massive peacekeeping presence in sudan.
Darfur: colonised by ‘peacekeepers’
The United Nations (UN) Security Council yesterday passed resolution 1769. It establishes another peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNAMID, for Sudan’s war-torn western province of Darfur. With a total authorised strength of 26,000, UNAMID is expected to be the largest UN peacekeeping operation in the world by next year. What’s more, UNAMID peacekeepers will deploy under the terms of ‘Chapter VII’ of the UN Charter, which legally entitles them to use force beyond self-defence. In other words, this will not be a neutral, monitoring contingent, but a militarised force and de facto protagonist in Darfur’s conflict.
The creation of UNAMID comes on top of the two other peacekeeping missions already in Sudan: the 7,000-strong African Union force deployed in Darfur, and the 10,000-strong UN peacekeeping force policing a ceasefire in south Sudan since 2005 (UNMIS). In June this year, the European Union also began planning its own 3,000-strong peacekeeping operation to police the border between Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic. Further south, Africa is already host to the world’s largest UN peacekeeping operation, the 18,000-strong MONUC operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. There are some further 36,000-odd UN peacekeepers scattered across the continent (see the table below). In light of all these multinational forces descending on Sudan and already stationed across Africa, it is unsurprising that some analysts have pointedly asked whether Africa is in the process of being ‘re-colonised’ by the UN. The reality is more complex, however, though no less disturbing.
vijay prashad: The Eagle Flies Over Africa
Since 1984-85, the western Sudanese province of Darfur has been in a prolonged crisis. The drought of those years made it hard for pastoralists to find grazing ground for their camel herds. Battles over land went on for two decades before an embattled and split Islamist government in Khartoum armed the most impoverished of the tribes (who had begun to regain their self-respect through a virulently supremacist ideology promoted by a group called Tajamu al Arabi or the Arab Gathering). These tribes began an onslaught against their settled neighbors, with Khartoum’s support. In a few years over a million people have been driven out of their homes to neighboring Chad (the UN estimates that 70,000 have been killed). These numbers, incidentally, are dwarfed by the death toll and the population displacement forced by the U.S. occupation of Iraq. The UN called the Sudan situation a “crime against humanity,” while the U.S., uncharacteristically, labeled it genocide. For a time the African Union was able to stabilize the situation, although it did not succeed in crafting a political solution to the problem. The African Union, created in 1999, has neither the financial ability to pay its troops nor the logistical capacity to do its job. The European Union, who paid the troop salaries, began to withhold funds on grounds of accountability, and it gradually killed off the peacekeeping operations. Columbia University Professor Mahmood Mamdani (who is one of the world’s leading experts on contemporary Africa) says of this, “There is a concerted attempt being made to shift the political control of any intervention force inside Darfur from inside Africa to outside Africa.” In other words, the U.S. and Europe are eager to control the dynamic of what happens in Africa and not allow an indigenous, inter-state agency to gain either the experience this would provide or the respect it would gain if it succeeds. The African Union has been undermined so that only the U.S. can appear as the savior of the beleaguered people of Darfur, and elsewhere.
also related
Old habits die hard: Oil companies still oppress southern Sudanese after the return of peace
Leben Nelson Moro critically assesses the impacts of oil after the return of peace in South Sudan. He reviews the situation of the the Dinka of Paloich, Melut County, and the Shilluk of Manyo County, two counties which are part of the oil-rich Upper Nile State.
Posted by: b real | Aug 6 2007 5:21 utc | 57
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