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OT 06-75
The conflict in Lebanon and the standpoint of the working class
In a 1938 article, “A fresh lesson on the character of the coming war,” Leon Trotsky wrote:
“A new partition of the world is on the order of the day. The first step in the revolutionary education of the workers must be to develop the ability to perceive beneath the official formulas, slogans, and hypocritical phrases, the real imperialist appetites, plans, and calculations.”
Such a clarification remains the starting point for the political education of working people today and of the re-forging of the international workers movement on socialist foundations.
The World Socialist Web Site has sought to lay bare the essential nature of the period that we have now entered into and its political implications. The Bush doctrine of “preemptive war” marks the turn by the US to war as an instrument of foreign policy, aimed at securing is hegemony over the Middle East and the rest of the world.
This marks a new stage in world politics—the break-up of the post-World War II framework of international law and a return to the most naked and brutal forms of imperialist politics.
This also finds expression in the actions of the European powers that have aligned themselves with the US war drive. Blair may have assumed the role of the most craven apologist for Bush, but his policy of appeasement is the order of the day throughout Europe.
Appeasement is firstly dictated by military weakness—Europe’s leaders are in awe of American power and fear that opposition would only provoke Washington to pursue an avowedly unilateral course. But it is also determined by their own imperial ambitions and a desire to secure a share of vital oil and gas resources in return for supporting Washington.
That is why no section of the ruling class, in Britain or the rest of Europe, can be entrusted with opposing the US-inspired assault on Lebanon, or averting the growing danger of a wider war in the Middle East.
Neither the US, nor the British government, will retreat on Lebanon in the face of mere protest, because so much is invested in it.
The conflict is not the result of an independent move by Israel, in which it has utilised “disproportionate” violence. It was conceived of by Washington and the violence being utilised is entirely in proportion to its real aim—of reducing the entire Middle East to a colonial protectorate of the US, with Israel as regional enforcer. The goal of imperialist conquest cannot be accomplished without destroying every last vestige of resistance amongst the peoples of the region, Arab, Iranian, Afghan—and including the Jewish working class.
There are always parallels to be drawn with the actions of the Nazis in the 1930s. I would like to add one of my own.
Between 1933 and 1936, the Third Reich had begun a programme of rearmament in preparation for enacting an expansionist foreign policy. On March 12, 1938 Austria was occupied by the German army, and on the following day it was annexed to the Reich. The next target was Czechoslovakia.
The Shofar web site explains how this was conceived of by Hitler and Minister of War Wilhelm Keitel.
On April 22, 1938 the two discussed the pretexts which Germany might develop as an excuse for a sudden and overwhelming attack—an “incident” of their own creation, including the supposed assassination of the German Ambassador in Prague. The plan was known as the Green Case and had been circulated in secret to Germany’s armed forces.
On May 30, 1938 Hitler issued the revised military directive for Case Green.
It reads:
“1. Political Prerequisites.
“It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the job of the political leaders to await or bring about the politically and militarily suitable moment…
“The proper choice and determined and full utilization of a favourable moment is the surest guarantee of success. Accordingly the preparations are to be made at once.
“2. Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action.
“The following are necessary prerequisites for the intended invasion:
“a. suitable obvious cause and, with it
“b. sufficient political justification,
“c. action unexpected by the enemy, which will find him prepared to the least possible degree.
“From a military as well as a political standpoint the most favorable course is a lightning-swift action as the result of an incident through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way for which at least part of world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.”
Does this remind anyone of anything? It might today be renamed the Olmert doctrine, or the Shalit gambit.
We have already drawn attention to the report in the San Francisco Chronicle July 21 that Israel’s military response to the capture of its soldiers by Hezbollah commandos—and by extension the Israeli Defence Force’s earlier action in Gaza—was planned more than one year ago.
It shows that detailed foreknowledge of events was shared by Israel not only with the US government, but its media. They all knew that every word they spoke, every line printed claiming that Israel was mounting a defensive action, was a lie.
Now in the latest edition of the New Statesman, its editor John Kampfner writes that “Blair knew the attack on Lebanon was coming but he didn’t try to stop it, because he didn’t want to.”
He continues somewhat obliquely, “I am told that the Israelis informed George W. Bush in advance of their plans to ‘destroy’ Hezbollah by bombing villages in southern Lebanon. The Americans duly informed the British. So Blair knew.”
One must assume that Kampfner only makes this claim because his sources are impeccable.
These reports indicate an important fact. It is not Israel that is equivalent to Germany in the 1930s. That role should be assigned to the United States. In waging war against Lebanon, Israel is implementing a far more all-encompassing American plan to create—in the words of Condoleezza Rice—a new “Middle East.”
Israeli strategy has been devised by the same Washington neo-cons that determine US policy and is inexplicable outside of this reality. Israel relies on the US, not only for its armed forces and economic survival, but ultimately to ensure its position as an undisputed regional power.
As long ago as 1996, neo-cons including Richard Perle, Douglas Feith and David Wurmser proposed a plan by the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies “Study Group on a New Israeli Strategy Toward 2000” to the incoming Likud government of Binyamin Netanyahu.
It called for an end to peace negotiations based on giving land to the Palestinians that threatened Israel’s national sovereignty:
“First and foremost, Israel’s efforts to secure its streets may require hot pursuit into Palestinian-controlled areas, a justifiable practice with which Americans can sympathize…. Israel has no obligations under the Oslo agreements if the PLO does not fulfill its obligations. If the PLO cannot comply with these minimal standards, then it can be neither a hope for the future nor a proper interlocutor for present. To prepare for this, Israel may want to cultivate alternatives to Arafat’s base of power.”
Under the heading “Securing the Northern Border” it said that “Syria challenges Israel on Lebanese soil. An effective approach, and one with which America can sympathize, would be if Israel seized the strategic initiative along its northern borders by engaging Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran, as the principal agents of aggression in Lebanon.”
The key task was to “focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq—an important Israeli strategic objective in its own right—as a means of foiling Syria’s regional ambitions.”
They also called for “reestablishing the principle of preemption.”
In January 1998, these same layers famously sent a letter to then President Bill Clinton advising a second war against Iraq—a new Middle East strategy that should aim “at the removal of Saddam Hussein’s regime from power.”
The letter warned that “if Saddam does acquire the capability to deliver weapons of mass destruction” (a phrase that subsequently became all too familiar) “a significant portion of the world’s supply of oil will all be put at hazard.”
It concluded, “We believe the US has the authority under existing UN resolutions to take the necessary steps, including military steps, to protect our vital interests in the Gulf. In any case, American policy cannot continue to be crippled by a misguided insistence on unanimity in the UN Security Council.”
In 2003 the neo-cons got their wish of a war against Iraq, and on the very basis for which they had argued.
In April 2003, in the immediate aftermath of the Iraq war, Feith and others called for an immediate war against Iran and US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld ordered contingency plans for war against Syria.
Bush vetoed the plans. Iraq was a major undertaking and a new war was not possible. But the elimination of Syria and more importantly Iran remained a necessity if US hegemony in the Middle East was to be fully realized.
One would do well to listen to what the neo-cons are saying now if one wishes to understand what is happening in the Lebanon. They make clear that Israel’s offensive is only the first chapter in a war that can and will only be concluded in Iran.
James Phillips, a member of the board of editors of Middle East Quarterly, the leading conservative journal of Middle Eastern policy studies, testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in May on “US Policy and Iran’s Nuclear Challenge.”
He urged the creation of a “coalition of the willing” to “seek to isolate the Ahmadinejad regime…. If Tehran persists in its drive for nuclear weapons despite these escalating pressures, then the United States should consider military options to set back the Iranian nuclear weapons program…. There is no guaranteed policy that can halt the Iranian nuclear program short of war.”
William Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard, calls Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel “Iran’s proxy war.” He wrote a piece on July 24 titled, “It’s Our War: Bush should go to Jerusalem—and the U.S. should confront Iran.”
He states, “Regimes matter. Ideological movements become more dangerous when they become governing regimes of major nations. Communism became really dangerous when it seized control of Russia. National socialism became really dangerous when it seized control of Germany. Islamism became really dangerous when it seized control of Iran…. No Islamic Republic of Iran, no Hezbollah. No Islamic Republic of Iran, no one to prop up the Assad regime in Syria. No Iranian support for Syria.”
He concludes with the suggestion that “we might consider countering this act of Iranian aggression with a military strike against Iranian nuclear facilities. Why wait?”
Newt Gingrich, writing in the Guardian, declared, “The third world war has begun: Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel are part of a global crisis of civilisation.” Iran, he continued, was “at the epicentre” of this threat.
Michael Ledeen, writing in the National Review on July 13, urged that the war should now be taken over by the US military and expanded across the entire region. “The only way we are going to win this war is to bring down those regimes in Tehran and Damascus, and they are not going to fall as a result of fighting between their terrorist proxies in Gaza and Lebanon on the one hand, and Israel on the other. Only the United States can accomplish it. There is no other way.”
We must add to the list one of the world’s most prominent neo-cons, Prime Minister Tony Blair. His speech last week to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council called for a “complete renaissance” on foreign policy to combat “Reactionary Islam.”
Amidst his routine platitudes concerning calls for a just settlement of the Palestinian question and for a political struggle for democratic values, there was nothing of substance to distinguish his actual agenda from his US co-thinkers who have now discovered a so-called “Shia arc,” or as he described it, “the arc of extremism that now stretches across the region” to replace Al Qaeda as the central focus of the supposed war on terror.
He asserted, “We will continue to do all we can to halt the hostilities. But once that has happened, we must commit ourselves to a complete renaissance of our strategy to defeat those that threaten us.”
He continued, “The point about these interventions, however, military and otherwise, is that they were not just about changing regimes but changing the values systems governing the nations concerned. The banner was not actually ‘regime change’ it was ‘values change’.”
Thus, by sleight of hand, does Blair embrace and excuse the illegal policy of regime change as his own explicit goal. His references to Syria and Iran make clear who will now be targeted next. But his formulations are such that nowhere and no one are safe.
The ravings of the neo-cons often sound so insane that it is easy to ridicule them. But this would be wrong. Their insanity expresses the underlying logic of contemporary social and political relations.
On March 29, 2003, the World Socialist Web Site held a conference in the United States, “Socialism and the Struggle against Imperialism and War: The Strategy and Program of a New International Working Class Movement.”
In his opening remarks, David North made the following observation to explain our strategy for opposing war based on the independent political mobilisation of the international working class:
“But history never poses any problem for which it does not also provide the solution. There is not only the predatory imperialist response to the problems of world economic development. Lodged objectively within these global processes is the potential for an international social solution.”
North then drew attention to the significance of the mass protests against the war that had mobilised over 10 million people. He stated, “These demonstrations, which have developed almost spontaneously, independent of, and in opposition to, all the traditional political forces of the bourgeois establishment, can only be understood as the preliminary expression of the emerging internationalist and socialist response to the crisis of the world capitalism system.”
Let us also remind ourselves that the New York Times was moved to comment at the time, “The fracturing of the Western alliance over Iraq and the huge antiwar demonstrations around the world this weekend are reminders that there may still be two superpowers on the planet: the United States and world public opinion.”
Posted by: Malooga | Aug 11 2006 16:05 utc | 49
The conflict in Lebanon and the standpoint of the working class
In a 1938 article, “A fresh lesson on the character of the coming war,” Leon Trotsky wrote:
“A new partition of the world is on the order of the day. The first step in the revolutionary education of the workers must be to develop the ability to perceive beneath the official formulas, slogans, and hypocritical phrases, the real imperialist appetites, plans, and calculations.”
Such a clarification remains the starting point for the political education of working people today and of the re-forging of the international workers movement on socialist foundations.
The World Socialist Web Site has sought to lay bare the essential nature of the period that we have now entered into and its political implications. The Bush doctrine of “preemptive war” marks the turn by the US to war as an instrument of foreign policy, aimed at securing is hegemony over the Middle East and the rest of the world.
This marks a new stage in world politics—the break-up of the post-World War II framework of international law and a return to the most naked and brutal forms of imperialist politics.
This also finds expression in the actions of the European powers that have aligned themselves with the US war drive. Blair may have assumed the role of the most craven apologist for Bush, but his policy of appeasement is the order of the day throughout Europe.
Appeasement is firstly dictated by military weakness—Europe’s leaders are in awe of American power and fear that opposition would only provoke Washington to pursue an avowedly unilateral course. But it is also determined by their own imperial ambitions and a desire to secure a share of vital oil and gas resources in return for supporting Washington.
That is why no section of the ruling class, in Britain or the rest of Europe, can be entrusted with opposing the US-inspired assault on Lebanon, or averting the growing danger of a wider war in the Middle East.
Neither the US, nor the British government, will retreat on Lebanon in the face of mere protest, because so much is invested in it.
The conflict is not the result of an independent move by Israel, in which it has utilised “disproportionate” violence. It was conceived of by Washington and the violence being utilised is entirely in proportion to its real aim—of reducing the entire Middle East to a colonial protectorate of the US, with Israel as regional enforcer. The goal of imperialist conquest cannot be accomplished without destroying every last vestige of resistance amongst the peoples of the region, Arab, Iranian, Afghan—and including the Jewish working class.
There are always parallels to be drawn with the actions of the Nazis in the 1930s. I would like to add one of my own.
Between 1933 and 1936, the Third Reich had begun a programme of rearmament in preparation for enacting an expansionist foreign policy. On March 12, 1938 Austria was occupied by the German army, and on the following day it was annexed to the Reich. The next target was Czechoslovakia.
The Shofar web site explains how this was conceived of by Hitler and Minister of War Wilhelm Keitel.
On April 22, 1938 the two discussed the pretexts which Germany might develop as an excuse for a sudden and overwhelming attack—an “incident” of their own creation, including the supposed assassination of the German Ambassador in Prague. The plan was known as the Green Case and had been circulated in secret to Germany’s armed forces.
On May 30, 1938 Hitler issued the revised military directive for Case Green.
It reads:
“1. Political Prerequisites.
“It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the job of the political leaders to await or bring about the politically and militarily suitable moment…
“The proper choice and determined and full utilization of a favourable moment is the surest guarantee of success. Accordingly the preparations are to be made at once.
“2. Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action.
“The following are necessary prerequisites for the intended invasion:
“a. suitable obvious cause and, with it
“b. sufficient political justification,
“c. action unexpected by the enemy, which will find him prepared to the least possible degree.
“From a military as well as a political standpoint the most favorable course is a lightning-swift action as the result of an incident through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way for which at least part of world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.”
Does this remind anyone of anything? It might today be renamed the Olmert doctrine, or the Shalit gambit.
We have already drawn attention to the report in the San Francisco Chronicle July 21 that Israel’s military response to the capture of its soldiers by Hezbollah commandos—and by extension the Israeli Defence Force’s earlier action in Gaza—was planned more than one year ago.
It shows that detailed foreknowledge of events was shared by Israel not only with the US government, but its media. They all knew that every word they spoke, every line printed claiming that Israel was mounting a defensive action, was a lie.
Now in the latest edition of the New Statesman, its editor John Kampfner writes that “Blair knew the attack on Lebanon was coming but he didn’t try to stop it, because he didn’t want to.”
He continues somewhat obliquely, “I am told that the Israelis informed George W. Bush in advance of their plans to ‘destroy’ Hezbollah by bombing villages in southern Lebanon. The Americans duly informed the British. So Blair knew.”
One must assume that Kampfner only makes this claim because his sources are impeccable.
These reports indicate an important fact. It is not Israel that is equivalent to Germany in the 1930s. That role should be assigned to the United States. In waging war against Lebanon, Israel is implementing a far more all-encompassing American plan to create—in the words of Condoleezza Rice—a new “Middle East.”
Israeli strategy has been devised by the same Washington neo-cons that determine US policy and is inexplicable outside of this reality. Israel relies on the US, not only for its armed forces and economic survival, but ultimately to ensure its position as an undisputed regional power.
As long ago as 1996, neo-cons including Richard Perle, Douglas Feith and David Wurmser proposed a plan by the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies “Study Group on a New Israeli Strategy Toward 2000” to the incoming Likud government of Binyamin Netanyahu.
It called for an end to peace negotiations based on giving land to the Palestinians that threatened Israel’s national sovereignty:
“First and foremost, Israel’s efforts to secure its streets may require hot pursuit into Palestinian-controlled areas, a justifiable practice with which Americans can sympathize…. Israel has no obligations under the Oslo agreements if the PLO does not fulfill its obligations. If the PLO cannot comply with these minimal standards, then it can be neither a hope for the future nor a proper interlocutor for present. To prepare for this, Israel may want to cultivate alternatives to Arafat’s base of power.”
Under the heading “Securing the Northern Border” it said that “Syria challenges Israel on Lebanese soil. An effective approach, and one with which America can sympathize, would be if Israel seized the strategic initiative along its northern borders by engaging Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran, as the principal agents of aggression in Lebanon.”
The key task was to “focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq—an important Israeli strategic objective in its own right—as a means of foiling Syria’s regional ambitions.”
They also called for “reestablishing the principle of preemption.”
In January 1998, these same layers famously sent a letter to then President Bill Clinton advising a second war against Iraq—a new Middle East strategy that should aim “at the removal of Saddam Hussein’s regime from power.”
The letter warned that “if Saddam does acquire the capability to deliver weapons of mass destruction” (a phrase that subsequently became all too familiar) “a significant portion of the world’s supply of oil will all be put at hazard.”
It concluded, “We believe the US has the authority under existing UN resolutions to take the necessary steps, including military steps, to protect our vital interests in the Gulf. In any case, American policy cannot continue to be crippled by a misguided insistence on unanimity in the UN Security Council.”
In 2003 the neo-cons got their wish of a war against Iraq, and on the very basis for which they had argued.
In April 2003, in the immediate aftermath of the Iraq war, Feith and others called for an immediate war against Iran and US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld ordered contingency plans for war against Syria.
Bush vetoed the plans. Iraq was a major undertaking and a new war was not possible. But the elimination of Syria and more importantly Iran remained a necessity if US hegemony in the Middle East was to be fully realized.
One would do well to listen to what the neo-cons are saying now if one wishes to understand what is happening in the Lebanon. They make clear that Israel’s offensive is only the first chapter in a war that can and will only be concluded in Iran.
James Phillips, a member of the board of editors of Middle East Quarterly, the leading conservative journal of Middle Eastern policy studies, testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in May on “US Policy and Iran’s Nuclear Challenge.”
He urged the creation of a “coalition of the willing” to “seek to isolate the Ahmadinejad regime…. If Tehran persists in its drive for nuclear weapons despite these escalating pressures, then the United States should consider military options to set back the Iranian nuclear weapons program…. There is no guaranteed policy that can halt the Iranian nuclear program short of war.”
William Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard, calls Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel “Iran’s proxy war.” He wrote a piece on July 24 titled, “It’s Our War: Bush should go to Jerusalem—and the U.S. should confront Iran.”
He states, “Regimes matter. Ideological movements become more dangerous when they become governing regimes of major nations. Communism became really dangerous when it seized control of Russia. National socialism became really dangerous when it seized control of Germany. Islamism became really dangerous when it seized control of Iran…. No Islamic Republic of Iran, no Hezbollah. No Islamic Republic of Iran, no one to prop up the Assad regime in Syria. No Iranian support for Syria.”
He concludes with the suggestion that “we might consider countering this act of Iranian aggression with a military strike against Iranian nuclear facilities. Why wait?”
Newt Gingrich, writing in the Guardian, declared, “The third world war has begun: Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel are part of a global crisis of civilisation.” Iran, he continued, was “at the epicentre” of this threat.
Michael Ledeen, writing in the National Review on July 13, urged that the war should now be taken over by the US military and expanded across the entire region. “The only way we are going to win this war is to bring down those regimes in Tehran and Damascus, and they are not going to fall as a result of fighting between their terrorist proxies in Gaza and Lebanon on the one hand, and Israel on the other. Only the United States can accomplish it. There is no other way.”
We must add to the list one of the world’s most prominent neo-cons, Prime Minister Tony Blair. His speech last week to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council called for a “complete renaissance” on foreign policy to combat “Reactionary Islam.”
Amidst his routine platitudes concerning calls for a just settlement of the Palestinian question and for a political struggle for democratic values, there was nothing of substance to distinguish his actual agenda from his US co-thinkers who have now discovered a so-called “Shia arc,” or as he described it, “the arc of extremism that now stretches across the region” to replace Al Qaeda as the central focus of the supposed war on terror.
He asserted, “We will continue to do all we can to halt the hostilities. But once that has happened, we must commit ourselves to a complete renaissance of our strategy to defeat those that threaten us.”
He continued, “The point about these interventions, however, military and otherwise, is that they were not just about changing regimes but changing the values systems governing the nations concerned. The banner was not actually ‘regime change’ it was ‘values change’.”
Thus, by sleight of hand, does Blair embrace and excuse the illegal policy of regime change as his own explicit goal. His references to Syria and Iran make clear who will now be targeted next. But his formulations are such that nowhere and no one are safe.
The ravings of the neo-cons often sound so insane that it is easy to ridicule them. But this would be wrong. Their insanity expresses the underlying logic of contemporary social and political relations.
On March 29, 2003, the World Socialist Web Site held a conference in the United States, “Socialism and the Struggle against Imperialism and War: The Strategy and Program of a New International Working Class Movement.”
In his opening remarks, David North made the following observation to explain our strategy for opposing war based on the independent political mobilisation of the international working class:
“But history never poses any problem for which it does not also provide the solution. There is not only the predatory imperialist response to the problems of world economic development. Lodged objectively within these global processes is the potential for an international social solution.”
North then drew attention to the significance of the mass protests against the war that had mobilised over 10 million people. He stated, “These demonstrations, which have developed almost spontaneously, independent of, and in opposition to, all the traditional political forces of the bourgeois establishment, can only be understood as the preliminary expression of the emerging internationalist and socialist response to the crisis of the world capitalism system.”
Let us also remind ourselves that the New York Times was moved to comment at the time, “The fracturing of the Western alliance over Iraq and the huge antiwar demonstrations around the world this weekend are reminders that there may still be two superpowers on the planet: the United States and world public opinion.”
Posted by: Anonymous | Aug 11 2006 16:15 utc | 50
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