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OT 06-73
From Fox News Online(!)
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An American in Beirut: Lebanon
Readies to Run Out of Fuel
Wednesday, August 02, 2006
By Spencer Witte
PHOTOS VIDEO PHOTO ESSAYS
Click image to enlarge
Photo Essays:
•
Americans Evacuated From Lebanon
STORIES
•
An American in Beirut: No ‘Human Predisposition to
Craziness’ Found Here
•
An American in Beirut: ‘We Hurt Each Other, Then We Do
it Again’
•
An American in Beirut: War Doesn’t Stop For the
Weekend
•
An American in Beirut: Lebanon on a ‘Helpless Walk
Through Time’
•
An American in Beirut: How I Got Here and Why I
Haven’t Left Yet
•
An American in Beirut: People Leaving War-Torn South
Ask, ‘Which Way is Safety?’
•
An American in Beirut: The New Beirut Nightlife,
Airstrikes as a Snooze Button
•
An American in Beirut: Much Has Changed Since That
Christmas Family Photo
•
An American in Beirut: As War Approaches
BEIRUT, Lebanon — This is the tenth installment of an
ongoing blog written by American Spencer Witte, a
native New York resident who is studying and living in
Beirut, Lebanon.
August 2, 2006
“Running on Fumes”
Late last night, I hopped a cab heading from the other
side of town toward our apartment. The driver’s name,
Bassel, was printed neatly on a nameplate on the
dashboard. Conversation between drivers and passengers
is fairly standard in the Middle East, and most men
choose to sit up front with the driver and not be
chauffeured, as in the U.S. But ice breakers between
strangers have been hard to come by since the war
began three weeks ago.
Somehow, “How are things?” seems a tactless question
when you’re spending only 10 minutes with someone and
‘things’ very well could mean the loss of a house or
the death of a family member.
In the place of conversation, the car radio usually
fills the void, and these days the dial is almost
always set to the latest news. My Arabic is passable
to the extent that I can get the gist of most
newscasts. I attribute this to learning some of my
Arabic while in the U.S. As Iman has often pointed
out, American universities rarely teach Arabic for
proficiency. Instead of learning how to order wine and
talk to a shoe salesman as you might in a French
class, in an Arabic class you learn words involving
occupation and explosions.
(Story continues below)
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Bassel flicked his tongue against the roof of his
mouth much as a grandmother in the U.S. might when
scolding a mischievous child. To do so in either
culture means roughly the same thing. It’s a combined
expression of disbelief and anger. The radio report
was talking about gas shortages in Lebanon. Very
serious gas shortages. And a man who supported his
family by driving a car all day had a reason to listen
intently.
Two young Lebanese were passing us in a sedan on our
right, windows down and music blaring. I recognized
the song right away. It was one of Hezbollah’s many
martial-themed propaganda tunes that play on both
their radio and TV station. Bassel glanced over, again
flicking his tongue, and turned up the volume of his
radio news broadcast. Lebanon’s diversity had again
shown itself, this time in a fleeting wordless
exchange.
Before arriving at our destination, I was reminded
that I’d have to tack an extra $1 onto the fare.
Tonight, it would be $4.50 to get across Beirut in a
taxi instead of the usual $3.50. Bassel wasn’t trying
to swindle me; he was merely factoring in a fast
approaching storm.
Yesterday, the United Nations estimated that Lebanon
will run out of fuel in a matter of two or three days.
Since this conflict reopened three weeks ago, Israel
has maintained an effective air and sea blockade.
Overland routes from Syria have been the targets of
repeated air strikes, and the net effect has been that
very little is getting into Lebanon. In response, the
U.N. has been trying desperately to persuade Israel to
grant safe passage to humanitarian supply ships.
Israel hasn’t done so yet, and if the situation
continues as is, all of Lebanon could come to a
grinding halt in a matter of days.
Three hospitals in southern Lebanon have already
closed due to a lack of fuel. Others will soon be
forced to do the same. Several food and supply convoys
have been unable to leave Beirut and head south to
provide much needed aid. Israel has yet to provide
security clearance assuring their safe passage. If
this goes on too long, it’ll be all but impossible to
transport food, water and medicine anywhere in the
country. On this point, Israel’s actions seem to have
less to do with combating Hezbollah and more to do
with squeezing a people.
Beirut will likely be one of the last places in
Lebanon to feel this squeeze. Nonetheless, there are
already signs that it is approaching. Many gas
stations in Beirut were open for only two or three
hours today. Some have chosen to open every other day,
while capping purchases between $7.50 and $10. Either
way, such rationing will buy only so much time, and
the effects of Israel’s blockade will soon prove both
indiscriminate and disastrous.
***
If you’ve been reading these reports, I’d like to hear
from you. Send your comments, suggestions and
questions to witte.spencer@gmail.com
Part I: “An American in Beirut: As War Approaches”
Part II: “Much Has Changed Since That Family Photo”
Part III: “The New Beirut Nightlife, Airstrikes as a
Snooze Button”
Part IV: “People Leaving War-Torn South Ask, ‘Which
Way is Safety?'”
Park V: “How I Got Here and Why I Haven’t Left Yet”
Part VI: “Lebanon on a ‘Helpless Walk Through Time'”
Part VII: “War Doesn’t Stop For the Weekend”
Part VIII: “We Hurt Each Other, Then We Do it Again”
Posted by: Anonymous | Aug 6 2006 17:10 utc | 25
Written back in 2001(!)
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Global Eye — Dark Passage
By Chris Floyd
Not since “Mein Kampf” has a geopolitical punch been so blatantly telegraphed, years ahead of the blow.
Adolf Hitler clearly spelled out his plans to destroy the Jews and launch wars of conquest to secure German domination of world affairs in his 1925 book, long before he ever assumed power. Despite the zigzags of rhetoric he later employed, the various PR spins and temporary justifications offered for this or that particular policy, any attentive reader of his vile regurgitation could have divined his intentions as he drove his country — and the world — to murderous upheaval.
Similarly — in method, if not entirely in substance — the Bush Regime’s foreign policy is also being carried out according to a strict blueprint written years ago, then renewed a few months before the Regime was installed in power by the judicial coup of December 2000.
The first version, mentioned in passing here last week, was drafted by a team operating under then-Defense Secretary Dick Cheney in 1992. It set out a new doctrine for U.S. power in the 21st century, an aggressive, unilateral approach that would secure American domination of world affairs — “by force if necessary,” as one of the acolytes put it.
When the Dominators were temporarily ousted from government after 1992, they continued their strategic planning with funding from the military-energy-security apparatus and right-wing foundations. This culminated in a new group, the aptly-named Project for a New American Century (PNAC). Members included hard-right players like Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Zalmay Khalilzad (now “special envoy” to the satrapy of Afghanistan) and other empire aspirants currently perched in the upper reaches of government power.
In September 2000, PNAC updated the original Cheney plan in a published report, “Strengthening America’s Defenses.” In this and related documents, the earlier precepts were reiterated and refined. The plans called for unprecedented hikes in military spending, the plantation of American bases in Central Asia and the Middle East, the toppling of recalcitrant regimes, the militarization of outer space, the abrogation of international treaties, the willingness to use nuclear weapons and control of the world’s energy resources.
And the present course of action was clearly set forth: “The United States has for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional security. While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein.”
But Iraq is just a stepping stone. Iran is next — indeed, Cheney, Rumsfeld and the PNAC team say that Iran is “perhaps a far greater threat” to U.S. oil hegemony. Other nations will follow, including Russia and China. In one way or another — by military means or economic dominance, by conquest, alliance or silent acquiescence — they must all be brought to heel, forcibly prevented from “challenging our leadership or even aspiring to a larger regional or global role.”
These texts spring from the Dominators’ quasi-religious cult of “American exceptionalism,” the belief in the unique and utter goodness of the American soul — embodied chiefly by the nation’s moneyed elite, of course — and the irredeemable, metaphysical evil of all those who would oppose or criticize the elite’s righteous (and conveniently self-serving) policies.
Anyone still “puzzled” over the Bush Regime’s behavior need only look to these documents for enlightenment. They have long been available to the media — which accepted Bush’s transparent campaign lies about a “more humble foreign policy” at face value — but have only now started attracting wider notice, in the New Yorker magazine this spring, and this week in the Glasgow Sunday Herald.
The documents explain America’s relentless march across Afghanistan, Central Asia and soon into the Middle East. They explain the Bush Regime’s otherwise unfathomable rejection of international law, its fanatical devotion to so-called missile defense, its gargantuan increases in military spending — even its antediluvian energy policy, which mandates the continued primacy of oil and gas in the world economy. (They can’t conquer the sun or monopolize the wind, so there’s no profit, no leverage for personal gain and geopolitical power in pursuing viable alternatives to oil.) The Sept. 11 attacks gave the Regime a pretext for greatly accelerating this published program of global dominance, but they would have pursued it in any case.
So there will be war: either soon, after the November mid-term elections, or — in the unlikely event that Iraq’s offer of inspections is accepted — then later, after some “provocation” or “obstruction,” no doubt in good time before the 2004 presidential vote. The purse-lipped rhetoric about “liberation” and “moral clarity” is just so much desert sand being thrown in our eyes. Backstage, the Bush Regime is playing Mafia-style hardball, warning reluctant allies to get on board now or else miss out on their cut of the loot when America — not a “democratic Iraq” — divvies up Saddam’s oil fields: a shakedown detailed this week by the Economist, among many others.
The Dominators dream of empire. Not only will it extend their temporal power, they believe it will also give them immortality. One of their chief gurus, Reaganite firebreather Michael Ledeen, says that if the Dominators reject “clever diplomacy” and “just wage total war” to subjugate the Middle East, “our children will sing great songs about us years from now.” This madness, this bin Laden-like megalomania, is now driving the hijacked American republic — and the world — to murderous upheaval.
It’s all there in the text, set down in black and white.
Read it and weep.
“Bush Planned Iraq ‘Regime Change’ Before Becoming President,”
Glasgow Sunday Herald, Sept. 15, 2002
“Foreign Policy Blueprint,”
TomPaine.com, March 2002
“US and the Triumph of Unilateralism,”
Asia Times, Sept. 10, 2002
“George Bush and the World,”
New York Review of Books, Sept. 26, 2002 issue
“The Next World Order,”
The New Yorker, March 25, 2002
“Saddam in the Crosshairs,”
Village Voice, Nov. 21-27, 2001
“Rebuilding America’s Defenses,”
Project for a New Century, September 2000
“Statement of Principles,”
Project for a New American Century, June 3, 1997
“Fortunes of war await Bush’s circle after attacks on Iraq,”
The Independent (UK), Sept. 15, 2002
“Don’t Mention the O-Word,”
The Economist, Sept. 12, 2002
“Backing on Iraq? Let’s Make a Deal,”
Los Angeles Times, Sept. 13, 2002
“In Iraqi War Scenario, Oil is a Key Issue,”
Washington Post, Sept. 15, 2002
“Cronies in Arms,”
New York Times, Sept. 17, 2002
Questions That Won’t Be Asked About Iraq,”
U.S. Rep. Ron Paul, Republican, Texas, Sept. 10, 2002
Bombs Will Deepen Iraq’s Nightmare: An Iraqi Dissident Speaks,”
The Guardian, Sept. 17, 2002
Looking War in the Face,”
Boston Globe, Sept. 10, 2002
“Iraqgate,”
Columbia Journalism Review, May/June 1993
Posted by: Anonymous | Aug 6 2006 17:16 utc | 26
on Juan Cole, posted by Owl:
Everything going on in the ME we see today is part of the Great Game, the fight for the life blood of First-World Nations. So Cole’s posting of a European (and rather naive) screed on this issue is welcome – I won’t go into details, prefer to add.
First-world nations cannot continue to be first-world without control of fossil resources. Green energy, renewables, self-sustaining communities, and so on, are not all crazy, but not realistic on a large scale. The US DoD is the biggest guzzler, to the tune that would astonish so badly I prefer to leave it aside.
Peak Oil (the point at which half the oil in the world has been extracted) has become a mythical event, a shadowy symbolic point, that can be situated in time yesterday (Deffeyes) or projected into the future – say 2020, typical of oil company’s projections.
In any case, it is felt, then there is still half to go, technotopia will provide for the rich with their labs and scientists – the poor can die. Everything can continue as usual.
Not so, on various counts. Consider:
Oil is used to do work for people – make plastics, medecines, fertiliser; run tractors, fuel jets, power cars and tankers, heat and cool homes and industrial locales; build or make – barrages, roads, rail, solar panels, irrigation systems, computers, hydro-electridc plants, entire new towns; grow, harvest, condition, package and distribute food; produce arms, wage war.
And more.
Almost none of it is used for the environment or other living organisms, except those humans want to harvest or slaughter.
Therefore, it is proper to consider the oil peak not in absolute terms but in per capita terms. Each of us in the West has about 20 to 50 slaves (in human energy terms) working for us each day. Think of pushing a car to work, doing all the laundry by hand, building your home with man power only, and eating off a plantation without any agricultural machines.
Peak oil is long behind us. It took place around 1980.
What about electricity, natural gas, nuclear power, coal, renewables, etc.? Surely oil is not the only energy! And think of all the technological developments since 1980 – cheaper solar panels!
Fair enough. Sadly, peak overall energy, per capita, hit in – 1979.
Duncan paper on die-off:
This paper is a standard classic; not contested in its essence, obviously all numbers can be quarreled with, and are.
Link
So far, the first world has managed to maintain its domination and control, by obscuring the real issues. The US has been slow to react, partly because of its ‘democratic’ structure, which explains the neo-con authoritarianism, in part.
Posted by: Noirette | Aug 6 2006 17:41 utc | 28
Stuff We Know But Often Forget About War
I didn’t find Cole’s theory very original or very enlightening — or even that understandable. Dissappointing for someone who is usually very smart, even if I don’t always agree with him.
************
We are all trying to understand events here at Moon – why the US is acting the way it is, what Iran’s strategy is, etc.
The biggest, and most incomprehensible (for those of us who are sane) events are wars, so we want to understand them most.
I’d like to take a minute to remind us about a trap we all fall into from time to time, when trying to understand events, especially wars: Reductionism.
Wars are, by their nature, extraordinarily complex events. Some people spend their entire lives studying one single war. And still, there are unknowns, and there is disagreement about the whys and wherefores.
All wars require coalitions to be forged. Allied countries group together to prosecute or defend against a war. Sometimes coalitions expand or contract, fracture, or change goals.
Internal coalitions are equally important in securing consent to start a war. Generally speaking, starting a war requires the assent of the military, business leaders, politicians, and opinion makers. Within each of those groups, there is likely to be differing opinions competing to see which will prevail. Generals are often chary of new wars, while young lieutenants, eager for experience and rapid promotion, support the endeavor. Manufacturers of materiel always support wars, while manufacturers of consumer goods might not, unless tempting contracts are dangled. Politicians and opinion makers must either lead unwilling constituencies, or go against power and uphold the will of the people.
The rich love wars, for war breeds more inequality. The poor fear wars, which for them breed death and dislocation. The goal of the state is to distract them from what they feel in their bones with heroic stories of patriotism, companionship, valor, bravery, and victory.
The rich like wars, and profit; the poor dislike wars, and bear the brunt of the suffering. The rich convince the poor to hop on the bandwagon by telling them lies. War breeds lies faster than it breeds death. And societies corrode from within by those lies faster than they disintegrate from without by the violence.
Let’s examine the Iraq War.
The government told us story after story, all of them lies:
First, Saddam tried to kill Bush’s father.
Then, Iraq was connected to al-Quaeda.
Then, Iraq threatened us with WMD – a double lie.
Then, Saddam was a brutal dictator who must be removed.
Then, we are in Iraq to spread Democracy.
Then, we are there to remake the Middle East.
Then, we are there to protect Iraqis from foreign jihadis.
Then, we are there to protect Iraqis from civil war.
It is anyone’s guest what the next lie will be.
The average American is very confused. Some believe one of the myriad reasons our government gave us. Others are serial believers — replacing one reason with another as told, or when the contradictions become to obvious. Still others believe a combination of reasons. Many freely admit they have no idea why we went to war.
Opponents of the war also put forth many reasons for the war:
Control of Iraq’s Oil
Control of the Middle East
Control of the World
The Great Game of control of Central Asia
Control of the supply routes of India, China, and Russia
Saddam was going to sell oil in Euros
Many of these reasons have an element of truth to them. But most of us realize by now that none of them contains the whole truth.
But, there is a deeper way to approach this. All of those reasons are premised on a country, the US, and how it approaches its interests. But we know that countries are fictions demarcated by imaginary lines which indicate whether you are in or out. Countries are really symbols representing factions of people and their interests.
We talked about the four major elite factions in society, the military, business leaders, politicians, and opinion makers, and some of their interests in war. And we stated that war always involves collections of coalitions.
Unanamous support for war is rare — there is almost always some opposition. Some factions, or elements of some factions, may disagree with prevailing opinion.
Groups generally work for their own interests. The most important of these interests is usually money.
So, if we want to understand wars, we must first understand what factions exist, both internal to a country and groups of countries, and what their interests are. We must think about the lies we are being told, and by whom; then attempt to figure out what venal truths they conceal.
Looked at this way we can see that the interests in war can be quite complex indeed. It makes it harder to come up with a single reason for a war. But it makes the reasons we do come up with, and the interest groups we assign those reasons to, easier to substantiate.
Reductionism is avoided in the interests of depth, complexity, and accuracy.
We should always suspect simple reductionist assertions for why a war, or an event, happens.
There is a bright side to this. Once we dispense with the mythmaking that countries have one single interest, we, as activists can be better empowered to stop wars. We need to do our analysis, and figure out what factions are involved and what their interests are. Then we can work with these interests systematically, to either expose them to the light of public scrutiny, or campaign to change those interests.
We are no longer so mystified or so hopeless once we have dispensed with reductionism. Our level of understanding is deeper, and our power to affect events is enhanced.
We can begin by applying this methodology to the present and future actions of the Bush administration. Despite what some would have us believe, the entire show is not run by 15 crazy people who have hijacked our government. There are very powerful elite factions whose consent, or at least neutrality, is necesary to move forward. Sy Hersh writes about the military and security faction. But there are other factions — and the most powerful faction, the corporate faction, is generally the least forthcoming and the most deceitful and shadowy.
We need to break factions into their many parts, figure out their interests, what common interests we might share, how we might expose their support, what methods of confrontation or persuasion we might employ.
These methods of power and interest analysis are standard tools used by activists every day in confronting power.
If we want to avoid the fog and confusion of reductionism, and the despair our lack of understanding engenders, then we must use our collective brains (as we do here at Moon) to avoid reductionism, think things out clearly, and plan strategy accordingly.
Posted by: Malooga | Aug 7 2006 4:13 utc | 35
Declassified archives document ties between CIA and Nazis
By Andre Damon
27 July 2006
On June 6, the US national archives released some 27,000 pages of secret records documenting the CIA�s Cold War relations with former German Nazi Party members and officials.
The files reveal numerous cases of German Nazis, some clearly guilty of war crimes, receiving funds, weapons and employment from the CIA. They also demonstrate that US intelligence agencies deliberately refrained from disclosing information about the whereabouts of Adolf Eichmann in order to protect Washington�s allies in the post-war West German government headed by Christian Democratic leader Konrad Adenauer.
Eichmann, who had sent millions to their deaths while coordinating the Nazis� �final solution� campaign to exterminate European Jewry, went into hiding in Buenos Aires after the fall of the Third Reich. Utilizing friendly contacts in the Catholic Church and the Peron government in Argentina, Eichmann was able to reside in the South American country for 10 years under the alias of Ricardo Klement. He was abducted in 1960 by Mossad, Israel�s foreign intelligence agency, put on trial in Israel and executed in 1962.
The documents show that the CIA was in possession of Eichmann�s pseudonym two years before the Mossad raid. The CIA received this information in 1958 from the West German government, which learned of Eichmann�s alias in 1952. Both the CIA and the Bonn government chose not to disclose this information to Israel because they were concerned that Eichmann might reveal the identities of Nazi war criminals holding high office in the West German government, particularly Adenauer�s national security adviser Hans Globke.
When Eichmann was finally brought to trial, the US government used all available means to protect its West German allies from what he might reveal. According to the declassified documents, the CIA pressured Life magazine into deleting references to Globke in portions of Eichmann�s memoirs that it chose to publish.
In addition to the revelations regarding Eichmann, the documents chronicle the CIA�s creation of �stay-behind� intelligence networks in southwestern Germany and Berlin, labeled �Kibitz� and �Pastime,� respectively. The Kibitz ring involved several former SS members. In the early 1950s, the CIA provided these groups with money, communications equipment and ammunition so that they could serve as intelligence assets in the event of a Soviet invasion of West Germany.
The CIA documents were reviewed by Timothy Naftali, a historian with the National Archives Interagency Working Group, the government body that oversaw their declassification and release. According to an article published by Naftali, the stay-behind program was dissolved �in the wake of public concerns in West Germany about the resurgence of Neo-Nazi Groups.� Specifically, the Kibitz-15 group, led by an �unreconstructed Nazi,� became a potential source of public embarrassment for the US, as its members were broadly involved in Neo-Nazi activity. [1]
The CIA terminated the program by 1955 and arranged for many of its contacts to be resettled in Canada and Australia. According to the documents, Australia provided funds for relocation while the CIA provided its ex-assets with a resettlement bonus.
The CIA employed Gustav Hilger, a former adviser to Nazi Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop. As an employee of the German foreign office, Hilger was present at the negotiation of the Stalin-Hitler pact in 1939. The CIA deemed his experience with the USSR sufficiently valuable to free him from incarceration at Fort Meade in Maryland and employ him as an intelligence evaluator in West Germany.
In 1948, Hilger moved to the United States and obtained a position at the CIA�s K Street building in Washington as a researcher and expert on the USSR. Hilger eventually left the CIA to work for the West German foreign office.
According to a paper analyzing the CIA documents published by Robert Wolfe, a former senior archivist at the US National Archives, �it is beyond dispute that Hilger criminally assisted in the genocide of Italy�s Jews…. During the roundup of Italian Jews in late 1943, a note signed �Hilger� recorded Ribbentrop�s concurrence that the Italians be asked to intern the Jews in concentration camps in Northern Italy, in lieu of immediate deportation. The SS intended thereby that the Italian Jews and their potential Italian protectors should believe that internment in Italy was the final destination, rather than eventual deportation to the murder mills in Poland to be immediately murdered or gradually worked to death. The stated purpose of this ruse was to minimize the number of Italian Jews who would go into hiding to avoid deportation to Poland� [2]
In another instance, the CIA employed Tscherim Soobzokov, a former Nazi gendarme and Waffen SS lieutenant, who, according to a paper published by Interagency Working Group Director of Historical Research Richard Breitman, �participated in an execution commando [combat group detailed to executing Jews and Communists en masse] and had searched North Caucasian villages for Jews.�
Soobzokov was employed by the CIA for seven years. Over this period, he repeatedly used his intelligence contacts to avoid investigation by the FBI and the US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) in regard to his complicity in war crimes.
According to Breitman�s paper, CIA examiners noted that Soobzokov was an �incorrigible fabricator� who repeatedly lied about his past in order to conceal his participation in criminal activity. Nevertheless, the CIA shielded him against investigation, at one point sending the INS a document asserting that Soobzokov had never worked for the Nazis. [3]
Prior to the outbreak of war, a significant section of the American ruling elite had favored cooperation with the Nazis as a European hedge against the spread of Bolshevism. Henry Ford was notorious for his anti-Semitism and his political affinity for German Fascism, and a number of major American companies retained their business ties with the Third Reich. Notably, IBM sold Germany the punch cards that were used to catalog the �final solution. (See: How IBM helped the Nazis IBM and the Holocaust�)
However, as one European nation after another fell before Hitler�s onslaught, the threat of German imperialist dominance in Europe spurred the American ruling class to enter the European theater.
US imperialism mobilized popular support in its war against the Nazi regime by appealing to the democratic and anti-fascist sentiments of the American people. After the defeat of Germany, it organized, together with its World War II allies�Britain, the Soviet Union and France�the Nuremburg trials to prosecute top Nazi officials for their complicity in war crimes.
However, with the start of the Cold War, the United States reversed its policy of identifying, trying and executing prominent Nazi war criminals. As is starkly demonstrated in the case of Eichmann, the knowledge possessed by many of these individuals made trying them inconvenient.
Regardless of its limited prosecution of upper-echelon Nazis, the United States had no qualms about recruiting Nazi Party members and war criminals into its military research apparatus. Prominent German military developers such as Werner Von Braun and Bernhard Tessmann were assimilated into the US rocketry program, while Kurt Blome, a Nazi scientist who experimented on concentration camp prisoners, was employed by the US to develop chemical weapons.
Likewise, the early stages of the Cold War saw high-level Nazi cadres drafted into the US intelligence machine and deployed in Europe, the Middle East and the Americas. According to the Department of Justice Office of Special Investigations (OSI), the bureau assigned to investigate German war criminals living within the US, at least 10,000 Nazis entered the US between 1948 and 1952. Of the thousands of German Nazis who fled�or were brought�to the United States, only some 100 have been prosecuted by the OSI.
Notes:
1. Timothy Naftali, �New Information on Cold War CIA Stay-Behind Operations in Germany and on the Adolf Eichmann Case http://www.fas.org/sgp/eprint/naftali.pdf
2. Robert Wolfe, �Gustav Hilger: From Hitler�s Foreign Office to CIA Consultant http://www.fas.org/sgp/eprint/wolfe.pdf
3. Richard Breitman, �Tscherim Soobzokov http://www.fas.org/sgp/eprint/breitman.pdf
I just discovered that if you google the title you can find an HTML cache of Carl Oglesby’s essay “The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt.” It’s also collected in a book, not seen by me, Fleshing Out Skull & Bone
It makes a strong case for the importance of the CIA-Nazi connection. I’m quoting it at length, to suggest the basic outline in the author’s own words (footnotes omitted), but there’s a lot more in the original. It’s definitely worth reading in full.
Quote:
Hitler continued to rant of victory, but after Germany’s massive defeat in the battle of Stalingrad in mid-January 1943, the realists of the German General Staff (OKW) were all agreed that their game was lost. […] Apparently inspired by the Soviet victory, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill announced at Casablanca, on January 24, 1943, their demand for Germany’s unconditional surrender and the complete de-Nazification of Europe. Within the German general staff two competing groups formed around the question of what to do: one led by Heinrich Himmler, the other by Martin Bormann.
…But Martin Bormann, who was even more powerful than Himmler, did not accept the premise of the separate-peace idea. Bormann was an intimate of Hitler’s, the deputy fuhrer and the head of the Nazi Party, thus superior to Himmler in rank. Bormann wielded additional power as Hitler’s link to the industrial and financial cartels that ran the Nazi economy and was particularly close to Hermann Schmitz, chief executive of I.G. Farben, the giant chemical firm that was Nazi Germany’s greatest industrial power. With the support of Schmitz, Bormann rejected Himmler’s separate-peace strategy on the ground that it was far too optimistic. The Allied military advantage was too great, Bormann believed, for Roosevelt to be talked into a separate peace. Roosevelt, after all, had taken the lead in proclaiming the Allies’ demand for Germany’s unconditional surrender and total de-Nazification. Bormann reasoned, rather, that the Nazi’s best hope of surviving military defeat lay within their own resources, chief of which was the cohesion of tens of thousands of SS men for whom the prospect of surrender could offer only the gallows.
[…]
An enormous amount of Nazi treasure had to be moved out of Europe and made safe. This treasure was apparently divided into several caches, of which the one at the Reichsbank in Berlin included almost three tons of gold (much of it the so-called tooth-gold from the slaughter camps) as well as silver, platinum, tens of thousands of carats of precious stones, and perhaps a billion dollars in various currencies. There were industrial assets to be expatriated, including large tonnages of specialty steel and certain industrial machinery as well as blue-prints critical to the domination of certain areas of manufacturing.
Key Nazi companies needed to be relicensed outside Germany in order to escape the reach of war-reparations claims. And tens of thousands of Nazi war criminals, almost all of them members of the SS, needed help to escape Germany and safely regroup in foreign colonies capable of providing security and livelihoods. For help with the first three of these tasks, Bormann convened a secret meeting of key German industrialists on August 10, 1944, at the Hotel Maison Rouge in Strasbourg. One part of the minutes of this meeting states:
The [Nazi] Party is ready to supply large amounts of money to those industrialists who contribute to the post-war organization abroad. In return, the Party demands all financial reserves which have already been transferred abroad or may later be transferred, so that after the defeat a strong new Reich can be built.
The Nazi expert in this area was Hitler’s one-time financial genius and Minister of the Economy, Dr. Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht, available to Bormann even though he was in prison on suspicion of involvement in the anti-Hitler coup of 1944. According to a U.S. Treasury Department report of 1945, at least 750 enterprises financed by the Nazi Party had been set up outside Germany by the end of the war. These firms were capable of generating an annual income of approximately $30 million, all of it available to Nazi causes. It was Schacht’s ability to finesse the legalities of licensing and ownership that brought this situation about. Organizing the physical removal of the Nazis’ material assets and the escape of SS personnel were the tasks of the hulking Otto Skorzeny, simultaneously an officer of the SS, the Gestapo and the Waffen SS as well as Hitler’s “favorite commando.” Skorzeny worked closely with Bormann and Schacht in transporting the Nazi assets to safety outside Europe and in creating a network of SS escape routes (“rat lines”) that led from all over Germany to the Bavarian city of Memmingen, then to Rome, then by sea to a number of Nazi retreat colonies set up in the global south.
much much more, at the link however, I didn’t want to take up more bangwith than I have…
One last thing, I posted about Carl Oglesby here …
Posted by: Uncle $cam | Aug 7 2006 9:55 utc | 42
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