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Billmon: The Grand Delusion (cont.)
Billmon’s Whiskey Bar piece The Grand Delusion has by now generated some 350 comments.
(You may want to download this PDF file (760 KB) (right-click and ‘Save as..’) with Billmon’s piece and the first comment thread.)
For a continued discussion here, alabama’s recent remarks might be a good hook:
Call me unimaginative, citizen, but I find it inconceivable that Strauss could be compared to Marx in any way. To Weber, perhaps, or Durkheim–but then I don’t see the point of comparing these two founders of sociology with a classical scholar who bases his occasional put-downs of sociology on his understanding of the Hebrew Bible. When Strauss takes an occasional shot at sociology, which he really doesn’t bother to study.
Unlike Strauss, Marx and Nietzsche are major minds,working on the level of Kant and Hegel.
They’ve read everything, and have carefully studied, and understood, the "everythings" they’ve read. The work they do is incalculably rigorous, comprehensive and inventive, and they are unrelenting in the pursuit of this work. They go further, faster, harder and stronger than anyone, on any subject whatsoever. It’s a matter of magnitudes–of intellectual reserves–and I like to believe that all honest writers understand this.
Strauss himself understands it. Yes, he denounces Machiavelli for "blasphemy"–one of the strangest moves I’ve ever seen anywhere–but this is a dogmatic value judgment of the sort that many of us tend to make when we’re in over our heads, and Strauss, in his readings of Machiavelli, is definitely in over his head (something that could never be said of Marx and Nietzsche: their respective comments on Machiavelli, few and far between though they may be, show a thorough and lucid understanding of Machiavelli’s project).
What, then, does Strauss do well? Well, for one thing, he’s done valuable work on Maimonides, Al Farabi, and the whole Medieval Andalusian reading of Aristotle. He writes with great confidence and patience when dealing with these figures–no doubt because they give at least the appearance of a pre-scholastic (non-Christian?) reading of the Greeks. Because Strauss really doesn’t like Christianity! This is a limitation that has to be recognized and respected if we’re to have any success in reading him at all (and
I accept the fact that some folks don’t want to, and perhaps wouldn’t know how to, read his more technical contributions). As for his American political context, we all know very well that Strauss was appalled, and even somewhat terrified, by the McCarthyism that burned through our universities during his years in America.
I’m no intellectual historian, but I hope I’m not wrong to think that this context calls for some linkage to Strauss’s career in Germany and France during the thirties. I believe that if we can accept the guy for his own magnitude, successes and limitations, we get a much clearer picture of how truly mediocre, tendentious and anti-intellectual his supposed acolytes really are, and this, in my opinion, is a discrimination that truly counts.
But then I’ve never felt a need to demonize intellectuals in my take on the political scene, because I think the Masters of the Universe never read. They certainly don’t think. People who used to think, and then gravitate toward the scene of economic and political power relations, quickly lose the capacity to study ideas and concepts, and rarely, if ever, retrieve that capacity. They end up cutting deals and fabricating lies.
This is not an unusual fate in our world, but it’s completely removed from the career of Leo Strauss–who, I repeat, never rises to the level of Marx or Nietzsche (but then who does? maybe Freud?)
I haven’t read all the 350 posts, nor have I read any Strauss beyond potted summaries, and from the posts just above, I see a pov. like this has probably already been dissected…but once written it calls for posting..
Philosophical, moral and political ideas or analyses constructed by ‘thinkers’ seep into the culture. People adopt them, or consider them natural, or experience them as part of a conventional world view. I’m always amazed, for example, when I see and hear young women (but not elderly ones) in France using a model of personhood and relations that is heavily Freudian, while saying, if questioned directly, either that Freud is dépassé or has been ‘proved wrong’. It is quite astonishing.
In some circumstances, people will seek out justification, corrobation, or amplification for these views. The French girls will refuse to read Freud; yet, a Fascist aquaintance of mine learnt English to be able to read Finkelstein’s The Holocaust Industry in the original.
My experience of politicians though is that they almost never go this autodidact and self-confirmatory route. They simply adopt, or steal (steal in the sense that they cherry-pick and de-contextualise) what suits them. And what suits them is not ideas, but slogans or mantras that either serve their group’s cohesiveness – we all believe in X, we know that is so – or may be impressively served up to a gullible public – some principle or bit o’ theory that can fly, hopefully elegantly. When they use these snippets as rationalisations they are so poker-faced earnest, pious even, that one can feel the yawning gap between a healthy pragmatism (always pointed to a desired result) and the ‘excuse’ imported from another plane.
In short, politicians don’t much like other people’s ideas, except insofar as they have to know what they are to accomodate to them in some measure (in democracies) and never (?) use them for inspiration. Their inspirations today come from sociologists, publicists, media people, pollsters, and psychologists. They may turn to experts such as economists or medicos for advice on ‘issues’, but that is it. They are practical.
(Cultural differences exist of course: I was thinking of Swiss politicians and the neo-cons..)
I suppose an author like Strauss (there are others too) provides some fleshing out of supremacist and authoritarian ideology, but exactly what, and how is that genuinely important? (sorry – I downloaded the posts and *will* read them..)
Look at the key text today (US) — the Bible. Now, I may be accused of mixing up apples and oranges, as the Bible is hardly political theory. However, as a core or key text for the evangelists, a community that has both infiltrated and been co-opted by the middle and higher reaches of Gvmt, it deserves concentrated attention. However, no-one is reading the Bible to understand G. Bush, the neo-cons, or the Kooky Christians. It is obvious that whatever Biblical message is contained in this work has been perverted and transformed to suit the mindset of a small section of the population that is experiencing loss of a life-style (community, prestige, income, power- control of land and production-), providing a rallying point, and, most importantly a sort of ‘sociological’ explanation for the peculiar shift to the Right and the incredible, unreal, Republican victories in the urns. (Urns? Ouch, I meant in the innards of Diebold machines..)
-bit of a ramble… 🙂
Posted by: Blackie | May 6 2005 15:38 utc | 7
Young Marx • engineering but not on authority…
Fellow citizen – thank you for your temperate reply. Let us consider this and see what sort of ground we are standing on.
Language of the discussion: You and others have mentioned “Marxist jargon”, and although I can accept as a topic of discussion that root and branch of Marxian technical vocabularies might possibly be all jargon, I wonder if you can appreciate how difficult it is to discuss this possibility in the way you seem to have proposed. It’s as if you asked me: “So, when did you stop beating your wife?” If I answer that I do not beat my wife, the frame of the discussion is still citizen and whether or not he beats his wife. Rather unfair, no? You have also responded positively to Colman:
for many of us economic arrangements should be treated as engineering issues, not as matters of doctrine.
Here I think we have our common ground. I agree with you. Let’s agree that economic arrangements should be treated as engineering issues, not matters of doctrine, and so they are to be allowed their technical vocabularies. And yet, as citizens(!), we are not absolved of the responsibility to choose trusty engineers and check up on them. I take it you do not trust just any engineer, but that you expect them to demonstrate understanding of how the economy works before you agree to grant them faith and credit as experts. That is, I take it you have standards the engineers must meet.
As a disciplined field of knowledge, Marx’s later writings were precisely a critique of the technical vocabulary of economic engineers, one designed to show that the political economists of the 19th century were unreliable, untrustworthy purveyors of a doctrine and a jargon that earned its social support because it was so effective at bamboozling. So, it should be clear that Marx committed himself quite publically to agreeing with you and Colman – economic arrangements should be treated as engineering issues, not as matters of doctrine.. Marx’s main body of theory is designed to prove that economic arrangements should most definitely be treated as technical matters, and not doctrine. Of course, just because you and Colman may agree with Marx on this one point does not make you Marxists, but it does provide us with a starting point. Will you stand by your earlier assertion?
If so, I am going to have to ask you to come clean. Do you really accept nothing on authority? I doubt it. I hope I don’t sound disrespectful, but the fact is that most people who learn math, for example, accept it as true but do not have any idea how to reason through the processes to understand how mathematics is true, sound, and reliable. For most people, math is true – they are doctrinaire about it. I specifically made the decision at the outset of college not to figure it out, but to accept the doctrine. The only way to actually understand something is to commit to its details long enough to figure out what it’s worth. I am presenting Marx to you as someone whose writings might be extremely valuable to a part of your project here – to treat economic arrangements scientifically, not on blind faith. Please tell me something about how you critique economics so that you follow the engineers, not the snake handlers.
So, I am asking you to respond to two things here.
Did Marx write as if he were trying to make economic arrangements less “faith-based”?
First do you accept the possibility that Marx’s mature writings (basically, everything after his 20s) stated as a primary goal treating economic arrangements as a kind of scientific engineering. If not, why not? And may I suggest that its only fair to base your reasons on something Marx actually wrote (and wrote after 30, that is, after he actually experienced an aborted revolution and committed to your goal of scientific/engineering economic arrangements). After all, I am doing you the same courtesy of working from things you actually wrote.
What are your methods for weeding out economic myths and deceptions?
Second, please tell us how you tell the difference between doctrine and ‘engineering’? Perhaps you and Marx will turn out to share some characteristics here.
Fair play. I’ll answer your question.
Which brings me to the point you asked me to address, my advocacy of a theorist and a vocabulary that, as you said, “many of us associate with both terror and stiffling bureaucracy.” Yes, the associations many make with Marx are a drag on the discussion. But the reasons for that association have been alluded to in the prior thread and and they suggest reasons to come back to Marx. Just as the Son-of-Strauss neo-cons constantly invoke the Founding Fathers of the U.S. without the least intention of following their lead, the Stalins, Derzhinskys and Ceaucescus invoked Marx with purely Straussian style intentions. One reason this is such a productive thread is that Marx’s disrepute is in large part a product of Straussian style con men who know to gravitate to gold, and exchange it for an equal volume of fool’s gold, or counterfeit money. Strauss’s bad money drives out the good kind. Or to abandon all technical terms:
Why is it that criminals rob banks? Because that’s where the money is.
So between the con men who replace critique with cant (it is the cant you object to, yes?) and the hostility to a theory that criticizes capitalism for destroying people, Marx’s reputation is marked, hunted even. Now, I’m not asking you to agree. My reply is, rather: if this analogy between stolen gold and Marxian critique were plausible and likely, would it be reasonable grounds for continuing the discussion long enough to see where the gold might be in this Marxian stuff?
Posted by: citizen | May 6 2005 16:49 utc | 12
Citizen
“Razor:
I have responded to your complaints with the most basic and jargon free account of a key marxist difference, and you ignore the issue. When confronted with an actual idea that demands you think coherently and in front of people where we can see what you have to offer, have responded with mere accusations and made no effort to relate them to the ideas you pretend to critique. You have not offered anything.”
Let’s review.
1. This is a thread on Billmon’s excellent book report on a book on Leo Strauss, putting Strauss in an intellectual context in today’s predicament.
2. In thread comments there will be no rigorous analysis of the infinite issues that dwell in that book report. There will be some interaction between people on the thread in close to real time, in which the most interesting thing, to me, is that such a thread is even socially possible.
3. The thread has taken off on a tangent connected to the noun and the proper noun marx, presumably, Karl Marx.
4. I, and apparently others, believe this tangent may be fundamental. The comment section is not a place I can lay out a comprehensive discussion of my own perspective – even if I had a determinate one.
5. One concrete example of my concern: Gary Becker gets a noble prize for work that I believe at its core is irresponsibly and dangerously dishonest about what I call source of identity questions. I believe that the reason he – and legions of others – get away with this is that work connected with the noun marx has ghettoized source of identity questions so no person of intellecutal authority is capable of effectively challenging patent nonsense. Win by defautl.
6. I want patent nonsense challenged.
7. If I were master of the universe there would be close reading of all the great texts,as some things cannot be learned except by rigorous reading. And of Marx, absolutely, but, no more than Mencius. But I am not master of the universe nor aspiring to be, and the use of books is endless, and much study is worrisome.
8. I have attacked the premises of those doing “Marx”. No one has to accept those premises.
9. Citizen is oblivious to the fact the fundamental premises have been attacked, and assumes I must acccept those premises to paricipated, then condemns me for not accepting those premises.
10. A superior intellect would recognize, in spite of my sloppy writing, that the premises have been attacked, and make whatever peace they choose to with that attack.
11. A few examples of premise attack that flank marxism. The Selfish Gene by Richard Dawkins. (though marx may have defender there.) Festinger on cognitive dissonance. Albert Bandura on Bobo dolls. Antonio Damasio on – my terms – the non existence of rationality. Stanley Millgram on authority. Tooby & Cosmides on the Standard Social Science Model. D.C. Dennett on theory of mind. Janet Astington and smarties. And the earlier references I made to population biology, predator prey (the Red Queen hypothesis) and immunology, are also all fundamental steps in knowledge about the human condition that flank marxism.
12. Marx did not read EVERYTHING he read the cannon of his day. He did not read Chu Hsi. He did not critically read the most critically read work of all time, the Bhagavata. And he certainly did not read any of the work I reference in 11. My suspicion is that if Marx were alive today, he would be another one of those mathematical economists, because that is the watering hole of today’s scientific materialists. I understand others would reject that conclusion.
13. My conclusion. There is a turf war going on, and it shows up on this thread just like it shows up whenever Israel comes up in foreign policy, and it shows up whenever anyone questions the Catholic Church. I have zero interest in these turf wars. I only want to know that Becker and Strauss, as well as the whole SSM crowd, are challenged on source of identity questions and have a stop put to their cheating, which is a core problem. Based on the record I have zero hope that those who defend Marx turf will help, or, even listen.
14. A gal who doesn’t believe in evolution kindly went to the northern and southern bonobo colonies in San Diego with me. She thought I would enjoy talking to her friend, egghead to egghead, about why there was a flood and there is no evolution. I didn’t talk to her friend about anti-diluvian theories. Her friend pointed out I was not a reasonable person. Perhaps. The incident comes to mind.
15. But what I really want to say, is, what I find completely American, and closer to my heart of the matter than any comprehensive philosohy, that is I suspect of the Bakersfieldian tradition:
I was fighting everybody,
I was fighting everything
But the only one
That I hurt was me
I got society’s blood
Running down my face
Somebody help me
Get outta this place
How could someone’s
Bad luck last so long
Until I realized
That I was wrong
Social Distortion. I Was Wrong.
Posted by: razor | May 6 2005 20:19 utc | 19
Citizen: Here, from portions of “The Economic way Of Looking At Life” Nobel Lecture, December 9, 1992, Gary S. Becker, are opportunities to give an effective no jargon rebuttal to false assumptions.
My contention, again: there is no succinct response to these patently false claims, and, while Marxism has a vocabulary to respond, its responses are self defeating because of marxisms’ history and self referentialism. I would further claim that Becker here is doing exactly what he denies, and pursuing a Marxian materialist approach, and that Strauss continued the Marxian comprehensive philosophy approach.
With regard to the competition and how “avaialble opportunities” come into being:
Unlike Marxian analysis, the economic approach I refer to does not assume that individuals are motivated solely by selfishness or gain. It is a (italics) method (italics) of analysis, not an assumption about particular motivations. Along with others, I have tried to pry economists away from narrow assumptions about self interest. Behavior is driven by a much richer set of values and preferences.
The analysis assumes that individuals maximize welfare (italics) as they conceive it (italics), whether they be selfish, altruistic, loyal, spiteful, or masochistic. Their behavior is forward-looking, and it is also consistent over time. In particular, they try as best the can to anticipate the uncertain consequences of their actions. Forward-looking behavior, however, may still be rooted inn the past, or the past can exert a long shadow on attitudes and values.
Actions are constrained by income, time, imperfect memory and calculating capacities, and other limited resources, and also by the available opportunities in the economy and elsewhere. These opportunities are largely determined by the private and collective actions of other individuals and organizations.
With regard to the deus ex machina “economic and social environment”:
The amount of crime is determined not only by the rationality and preferences of would-be criminals, but also by the economic and social environment created by public policies, including expenditures on police, punishments for different crimes, and opportunities for employment, schooling and training programs. Clearly, the type of legal jobs available as well as law, order, and punishment are an integral part of the economic approach to crime.
…..
With regard to “altruism”:
Many economists, including myself, have excessively relied on altruism to tie together the interests of family members. Recognition of the connection between childhood experiences and future behavior reduces the need to rely on altruism inn families. But it does not return the analysis to a narrow focus on self –interest, for it partially replaces altruism by feelings of guilt, obligation, anger, and other attitudes usually neglected by models of rational behavior.
With regard to clever counter intuitiveness:
Altruistic family heads who do not plan to leave bequests try to create a “warm” atmosphere in their families, so that members are willing to come to the assistance of those experiencing financial and other difficulties. This conclusion is relevant to discussion of so-called “family values,” a subject that received attention during the recent presidential campaign in the United States. Parents help determine the values of children – including their feelings of obligations, duty, and love – but what parents try to do can be greatly affected by public policies and changes in economic and social conditions.
…..this means that programs like social security that significantly help the elderly would encourage family members to drift apart emotionally, not by accident but as maximizing responses to those policies.
With regard to authority over all others:
… This is not the place to go into a detailed response to the criticisms, so I simply assert that no approach of comparable generality has yet been developed that offers serious competition to rational choice theory.
,,
The rational choice model provides the most promising basis presently available for a unified approach to the analysis of the social world by scholars from the social sciences.
So, in two paragraphs, is Becker right or wrong? If marxism is a science, it should be a gimme.
Posted by: razor | May 10 2005 20:08 utc | 79
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