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Billmon: The Grand Delusion
To the Straussians, rationality does not provide an adequate basis for a stable social order. To the contrary, the Age of Enlightenment has ushered in the crisis of modernity, in which nihilism – the moral vacuum left behind by the death of God – inevitably leads to decadence, decline and, ultimately, genocide.
That logical leap from Jefferson to Hitler might seem like the intellectual equivalent of Evel Knieval’s outlandish attempt to jump the Snake River canyon on a rocket-powered motorcycle. But it’s essential to the Straussian world view – just as it provides the crucial angst that gives neo-conservatism such sharp political edges.
The Grand Delusion
“The time that August Spies anticipated came soon, and the voice for an eight-hour day was soon heard beyond the United States and Canada to the whole world, as workers, peasants, students celebrated May Day and with it, to quote Oscar Ameringer, “the divine message of more money and less work.” That “divine message” is actually a faith-based initiative if there ever was one. However, it has been lost in those modern forms of enslavement, debt peonage, forced labor in penitentiaries, export zone sweatshops, mandatory overtime, multiple job-holding, and feminization of poverty which, even if we are not all comfortable calling it the work of satan, certainly characterizes contemporary planetary labor. For if the eight hour day actually came as a result of May Day struggles, it surely has long since gone.
So, that’s what most of us know about Magna Carta and May Day. And what they have in common is loss — the lost liberties, the lost eight-hour day. They seem to have little to do with each other, separated by thousands of miles and hundreds of years. Even if we put aside geography and chronology for a moment and compared them on the basis of class struggle, it is the difference that seems to stand out. The feudal barons who stood up against King John were themselves large landed magnates, latifundista, who commanded the labor of serfs and villains in the feudal mode of production. The struggle in Chicago in contrast was a class struggle between industrialists and the proletariat, a new type of ruling class even though we dub them robber barons, and a new type of worker, huddled in slums crammed into factories.
While it is true that Magna Carta contained provisions to benefit or to protect Jews, city-dwellers, and merchants, acknowledging in these commercial interests a new historical force, a force which was relatively weak at the time, yet its inclusion signified that Magna Carta attempted to weld together a class bloc, or coalition, providing to the disparate elements methods of dispute settlement, policy making, and over-arching spiritual supremacy of the Christian church.
Magna Carta was a treaty in the class war, and it helped to make a ruling class. As for King John, as soon as he could, he resumed war and discarded Magna Carta but then he dropped dead. The story of his death became the stuff of legend among the peasant commoners conveyed by word of mouth and remembered as oral history even by William Morris who in breathing its bold and blunt heroism I paraphrase. Fleeing his enemies King John lost all his baggage in an onrushing tide of the sea, and in a foul mood took shelter in Swinestead Abbey, Lincolnshire,. “How much is this loaf sold for?” he asked at dinner, and when told one penny he answered, “by God, if I live for one year such a loaf shall be sold for twelve pence!
peter linebaugh magna carta & may day counterpunch
also a very good article in counterpunch on the panzer pope by navarro
Posted by: remembereringgiap | May 3 2005 22:28 utc | 239
razor:
I cannot distinguish idealism from realism in a blind test.
The difference is that a realist believes that events are caused by real things. An idealist believes that events should be. The realist studies and tries to learn what really causes things. The idealist fabulates. It is all the difference in the world.
citizen k:
Ah, Rocketman, please don’t try the idealist/materialist gambit on someone as crass as me.
I believe the actual distinction was between realism and idealism. Materialism without realism is probably just more of the same mushy relativism.
razor:
The startling thing to me is that a post, and a great post by a great writer, about Strauss, and about the paleo conservative attack on enlightment liberalism, has run aground on a tangent about whether marxist analysis is receiving its merited due.
I have seen no one on this post deny that marxist analysis is a tradition with much of intellectual value, though, clearly marxist analysis is inadequate and wrong in fundamental ways, but, mostly, who gives a shit now, aside from starving north Koreans and Cubans who want a better job than whoring for tourists? Get on with it.
I’m sorry that all this seems like a tangent. Let me rephrase: I don’t care if you are Marxist, only if you are a realist. If you do not believe that events are caused by real things (and I don’t mean empirical ones – but real ones. The empirical is always and only data. Causes are always at least partly beyond experience.) then I have no reason to believe that you accept the enlightenment, or science, or any of the bridges whereby people relate as equals committed to a shared world. In short, if you are not a realist, then eventually I expect you to submit to the myths of the fascists whenever they overwhelm you. In this I am responding to the power of billmon’s post:
Billmon’s post
To the Straussians, rationality does not provide an adequate basis for a stable social order. To the contrary, the Age of Enlightenment has ushered in the crisis of modernity, in which nihilism – the moral vacuum left behind by the death of God – inevitably leads to decadence, decline and, ultimately, genocide.
—major snip—
As I’ve said before, the American constitutional edifice reminds me of a house riddled by termites – it looks solid enough from the outside, but lean too hard against a wall and big pieces might start toppling over. And right now, the neocons and their Bible Belt allies are leaning pretty damned hard. There are days (like “Justice Sunday”) when the Weimar analogy no longer seems so far fetched.
If you do not believe that the world is caused by the real, what reason would you have to resist when the fascists say – “forget the constitution, and here is your invitation to join our youth group”? What was amazing about the communists in the mid-20th century is that they were the only people all over the world who fought the fascists after the fascists won. How could they do this? Ratzinger doesn’t know because he does not believe in anything more real than power.
We are not discussing trivia, but the only grounds we know for staring power in the eye and knowing that it is doomed. Marx is not the last answer for all time, but he was the first theorist of the social who articulated how the social is not just an idea, but something real – and we honor that…
…because there is no longer any aristocratic position of making the virtuous result happen.
The reality of social power has overcome all that. Me, I’m just looking for some pals who can handle (and help me handle) that the best you can do in this world of ours is know a little about what is causing all this creation and destruction. To make subtle skillful differences when society shows openings. Of course this requires a a knowledgeable eye – maybe those labels could help.
Those who aim for to make everything come out right believe in themselves, and they become neo-Straussians. Perhaps we are each trying to avoid this position as best we can. That is my hope.
Posted by: citizen | May 4 2005 0:05 utc | 240
citizen k:
The french peasants won substantial and lasting gains from the French Revolution and the mass of French workers live extraordinarily well compared with how the same group lived at the start of the 1900s despite the continued rule of the capitalists.
Me (citizen) above:
go from being a population of farmers who could feed themselves without cash, to a country populated almost entirely by laborers, including more and more millionaire laborers who can’t afford to lose their paychecks for a year
These both seem to be solid empirical data, and I take it they are both true. And I am also tempted toward’s citizen k’s description that Marxist critique views social change ‘mechanically’. But – I credit Marxian critique with the same insight used by Foucault, namely that power is not primarily a matter of repression, but also of positively producing and reproducing living activity. So yes, capitalism produces lots of goods, including pretty much everything that we approve in the world. But this should not come as a surprise – Marxism critiques all of this world, considering both the desirable and the undesirable.
My guide in this is Moishe Postone’s Time, Labor, and Social Domination: a reinterpretation of Marx’s critical theory. If pressed for time, read his article in Historical Materialism 12.3, “Critique and Historical Transformation”. The whole issue is devoted to his book, so there are people critiquing his so called abandonment of class struggle, etc. but I have not read those yet. Postone reads the Grundrisse intensely, something I have yet to attempt, so I comment as a novice.
If Marxist critique is all about labor, then let’s say that Postone’s critique is all about time, and how the capitalist mathematics of time is concerned with how time makes capital (time is money). To a capitalist, it may be all about the money, but in reality exchange is done for both the profits and for an eventual use – the commodity form. So every advance in social domination (via abstract labor) is also an increase in use values. So yes, citizen k, the world must grow wealthier in “goods” in order for social domination to proceed via the routes of abstract time, abstract labor, and abstract social domination.
Abstract social domination – happens in a world where the primary form of wealth is abstract (this scarcely needs introducing: who among us does not bank, and more importantly fret endlessly, in a world of sheer numbers which, despite their near irreality, ensure our wealth). Because Postone works on these lines, he does not focus on forms of distribution in capitalism, his critique differs from this tradition with which citizen k engages.
Within the framework of this reading, the basic categories of Marx’s critique not only delineate a mode of exploitation. They are also temporally dynamic categories that seek to grasp modern capitalist society as a mode of social life characterised by quasi-objective forms of domination (commodity, capital) that underlie an intrinsic historical dynamic. This dialectical dynamic is a socially-constituted historically-specific core feature of capitalism, one that gives rise to, and, at the same time, constrains the possibility of a postcapitalist, emancipated form of life. It is grounded, ultimately, in a form of wealth specific to capitalism, namely value, that is at the same time, a form of social mediation, which Marx distinguishes sharply from what he terms material wealth.
Postone is working from knowledge of what has actually been happening under capitalism in our lifetimes, and he has re-examined Marx to see how it is that wealth and social domination intertwine, and his take on Marx provides a way to know the existence of general structural constraints on political, social, and economic decisions, such as those that brought down the USSR. In Postone’s words:
A position that grounds such historical patterns in the categories of Marx’s critique (commodity, capital) does not, then, regard such patterns affirmatively, but takes their existence as a manifestation of heteronomy.
Nietschze would have just said “slavery”. Postone is a social scientist, so he throws no bombs, but instead says this: “attempts to rescue human agency that posit historical contingency abstractly and transhistorically, bracket and veil the existence of historically specific structures of domination. They are thereby, ironically, profoundly disempowering.
I hear him saying – if you follow Strauss and those other slavers into their trap of saying that ancient Greeks read Plato etc. as we do, you demoralize and disarm yourself. Study Marx. The rules have changed. Wealth does not equal freedom.
Posted by: citizen | May 5 2005 14:50 utc | 278
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